By Douglas Murray
Thursday, February 20, 2020
The morning of the day that Britain left the European
Union, I happened to be at the Royal Academy, on London’s Piccadilly, for a
private viewing of Picasso and Paper—a fact I mention not to
culture-brag, but rather to point to another fact: that an exhibition spanning
the entirety of Picasso’s career includes major loans from collections across
France, Spain, and many other nations.
The United Kingdom left the European Union that evening:
the 31st of January, 2020. The next morning I bumped into a friend. “Any planes
landed on your head yet?” I asked him. “None so far!” came the reply. Very
good.
Two days later I got on a flight from London to Rome,
sailing through passport control at Heathrow and progressing—slightly swifter
than usual, as it happened—through the superb electronic passport-control gates
at Fiumicino Airport. A few days later the Italians permitted me to leave their
country and I returned to London. At neither end was I a hostage.
Why do I bore readers with these nuggets from a life? For
one reason alone: to point out the normality of things.
Ever since David Cameron announced a referendum on Britain’s
EU membership in February 2016, the British people have been issued the direst
imaginable warnings. Before the referendum, the then–chancellor of the
Exchequer, George Osborne, among others, predicted an immediate recession in
the U.K. if the voters were unwise enough to disregard his instructions and
vote to leave the EU. But we did disregard his instructions, as we did those of
the prime minister and the heads of all the other major parties. We disregarded
everybody, in fact, who warned us that our future would be darker, poorer, more
ignorant, and more insular. In June 2016 we voted to leave the EU.
For a variety of reasons that arose after that decision
(not least the ineptitude of Theresa May’s government and her minority rule
after the 2017 election), the scare stories stepped up. The warned-of recession
was claimed to have merely been deferred. And the financial threats were the
least of it. The media and politicians on the Remain side upped the volume on
all their dire warnings. Disappointment and rage about losing the referendum
were transferred into a number of vitriolic behaviors, but most prominent
amongst them was the claim of increased insularity.
Media, including a new, strange propaganda paper called
the New European, offered the British public “farewell tours” to the
Continent. Such publications strongly suggested that once Britain left the EU,
we Brits would be unable to visit again. We would return to where we were
before we entered the Common Market in 1975. And as centuries of literature and
history attest, until 1975 nobody from Britain ever went to the Continent. In
fact, prior to 1975 we had been a strange, hobbit-like people, famously
incurious about abroad and choosing never to visit the place.
Over the wasteful last four years, the world of the arts
was filled with people pointing to the cultural diminishment that would occur
once Britain left the EU. Musicians and film types who had never previously
uttered a word about the European Union suddenly became ventriloquists of the
status quo and Cassandras of the future. Similar coverage in the New York
Times—whose vitriolic antipathy to Brexit has become a source of niche
humor in the U.K.—presented the Brexit vote as a sign that the British public
no longer wished to engage with the art and culture of the Continent, and that
anyone inclined to do so would no longer be able to. After Brexit it would be
Morris dancing or nothing.
Of education it was claimed that students from the
Continent would no longer come to study in Britain and that British students
would no longer be able to go to study on the Continent. The Erasmus scheme,
which had facilitated much cultural interchange, was presented as though it
were inextricably tied up with British membership of the EU. “There goes the
Erasmus scheme,” friends and foes of Brexit alike told me. Except that Britain
remains a part of the scheme and there is no alteration in the arrangements.
Foreign-student applications to study in the U.K. have continued, and in fact
there were 485,654 international students pursuing degrees in the U.K. in
2018–19, up more than 25,000 from the previous year.
Of course the alarmism was all nonsense. The Royal
Academy, whose Picasso exhibition I was lucky enough to view, is a world-class
institution. Why would the Prado in Madrid or the Louvre in Paris refuse to
lend to it and receive works on loan from it because Britain had left the
European Union? Did the propagandists honestly believe that without its EU
membership, Britain would return to some pre-Picasso world? Some echt
period of British art in which we strove to eradicate all Continental influence
from our pure British culture? The idea is laughable, and yet in young people
in particular it caused fear where it should have caused giggles.
The truth is that in these factors, as in almost every
other factor to do with the everyday life of the population, it can truthfully
be said that absolutely nothing practical has changed for the British public.
Perhaps this will change very slightly in the years ahead. Perhaps the cost of
living will rise slightly at some point. Perhaps it will fall. Much depends on
the success of our free-trade deals with the U.S. and others of our historic
partners. In any case, the British public were never persuaded to vote Brexit
because of a tiny potential fluctuation in their disposable income. That was
the mistake that George Osborne, David Cameron, and others now acknowledge that
they made. The British public accepted that it was possible that they might be
slightly richer or slightly poorer after Brexit, but they accepted this as a
worthwhile risk for the greater prize of taking back control of the mechanisms
by which they were governed.
Ever since Boris Johnson won his 80-seat-majority
Conservative mandate in December, and even more since Brexit became not a
threat or a sentence but a simple transition and reality, the vitriol has
abated. The Cassandras have dried up, perhaps finally hoarse as well as
provably wrong.
But the rest of us are considerably buoyed up by all
this. The simple fact is that every day more and more people can see what some
of us always predicted: that in almost every imaginable way, life continues as
normal. The EU turned out not to be our cement, our gravity, our earth and
foundations. The planes do not fall out of the sky. The population is not
locked in. And the culture of the whole world remains open—as it always did—for
anyone who wants to reach out and live in it.
Things that are not happening do not make headlines. They
rarely even cause much comment. But the acknowledgement of what isn’t happening
is creeping its way into the minds of even the most determined British
Cassandras. And perhaps there is a wider lesson in this for America and other
countries going through this hyperbolic era.
In our politics as in our media, a premium—at least in
the short term—always goes to whoever is willing to shout the loudest about the
most headline-seizing subjects. Mention that there might be a very slight
reduction in the VAT during the next-but-one financial quarter, and only
specialists will take note. Shout that planes are going to fall out of the sky,
or that the end is nigh, and the structure of our public squares now guarantees
that you will not only find an audience but be handed a microphone. As the
American media have led the world in demonstrating, the most extreme take is
what gives you the platform. This is the rule that has also dominated the
British debate in recent years. Every figure of any authority who was willing
to make an outrageous claim found himself at the beating center of the debate.
And yet the world turns out not to work on these merrily vulgar lines. It
responds instead to those common, unreported realities—the most underreported
of which is the simple desire of people and nations to get along with each
other.
It was in nobody’s interest to make Brexit harder than it
needed to be. There was no interest in making British and EU citizens unable to
enter each other’s countries, or in creating some kind of cultural or artistic
boycott among the most artistically fruitful cultures in history. Brexit has
happened. And for now the most striking feature is the beautiful, too often
overlooked marvel of nothing happening.
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