By Noah Rothman
Tuesday, February 18, 2020
‘What if we could just be China for a day?” New York Times columnist Tom Friedman
infamously daydreamed in 2010. “You know, I mean, where we could actually, you
know, authorize the right solutions, and I do think there is a sense of that,
on, on everything from the economy to environment.” Friedman was summarizing
the upshot of a 2009 column in which he lamented how the factionalism inherent
in representative democracy, even those in which a single party controls all
the levers of government, cannot implement reforms that are not the product of
compromise.
What China can accomplish in a day has been on full
display as Beijing attempts to contain a novel coronavirus outbreak, and the
results are precisely the sort that dazzles Western observers who allow
themselves to be charmed by autocracies. But to review those accomplishments
and still maintain that China’s autocracy represents a credible, even
desirable, alternative to messy democratic forms of governance requires a
superhuman commitment to the suspension of disbelief.
In addition to imposing forced quarantines on whole
cities with combined populations in the tens of millions, China embarked on
emergency projects devoted to a goal dear to every technocratic opinion
writer’s heart: infrastructure construction. In late January, China began the
construction of two emergency hospitals near the outbreak’s epicenter, one of
which was completed in a nearly miraculous ten days. Both Chinese state media
and Western news outlets celebrated the accomplishment and the stress it would
take off overburdened local health-care providers.
But reports have subsequently leaked out of the secretive
socialist state suggesting that at least one of those facilities is virtually
inoperative. Even according to official statistics, these emergency facilities
have not been able to fill their vacant hospital beds. And yet, Wuhan continues
to convert local exhibition centers and gymnasiums into triage centers, and
reports indicate that those in need of care are still being turned away.
Experts and locals attribute the discrepancy between
China’s outwardly speedy response to the crisis and the growing threat posed by
this outbreak to the chronic mistrust the People’s Republic has engendered in
both foreign observers and its own citizens. As the New York Times reported, Beijing’s first instinct when the
coronavirus crisis erupted wasn’t to contain the epidemic but to prevent news
of it from spreading. “At critical moments,” the report alleged, “officials
chose to put secrecy and order ahead of openly confronting the growing crisis
to avoid public alarm and political embarrassment.” Concerned doctors were
muzzled. Statistics documenting infection rates were cooked. Residents in the
path of the virus were left unprotected. Critical viral transmission points
were left open.
Even today, as China’s heavy-handed efforts to silence
those who contradicted the official narrative have come under intense scrutiny
and exacerbated tensions between Chinese citizens and the government,
dissenters are still disappearing. Even though it has gone long past the point
of diminishing returns, China cannot turn off the apparatus of state control it
wields against dissenters.
Without all the world’s non-Chinas and their frustrating
adherence to transparency and accountability, we may never have known the
extent to which the PRC’s authoritarian secrecy contributed to the crisis. We
would likely not have learned via Beijing’s reluctant confession that
government authorities including President Xi Jinping knew about the outbreak
weeks before acknowledging it. Chinese health workers first encountered the
disease in early December, and evidence of human-to-human transmission was observed
not long after that. Had the government not sought to suppress this information
and restrict the conduct of business as usual, this outbreak might have been
contained. Today, that prospect seems remote, and some experts estimate that
the likelihood this outbreak will reach pandemic proportions is all but
unavoidable.
That’s the thing about being China for a day. It’s not a
buffet where you’re free to select from the tray of command-and-control systems
while avoiding the putrid warmer full of retrograde information controls,
police state repression, and paranoid incompetents in positions of political
authority. It’s a package deal.
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