By Kevin D. Williamson
Tuesday, February 18, 2020
Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez is precisely the
sort of campaign surrogate you want, especially if you are Bernie Sanders: She
is young, energetic, charismatic, popular (with the people she needs to be
popular with, anyway), and, happily, currently ineligible to run for the
presidency herself.
Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez is precisely the
sort of campaign surrogate you don’t want, especially if you are Bernie
Sanders: She is callow, flippant, vain, shallow, and prone to making policy
pronouncements that are even battier than your own, and she forgets to mention
you at all in the course of making appearances that are in theory on your
behalf.
Senator Sanders is, in his bizarre way, the conservative
in the Democratic presidential primary: Republicans are accused of “wanting to
turn the clock back” to the 1950s, but Sanders, the confessing socialist, wants
to turn the clock back to the 1930s. (The senator himself is culturally a
product of the 1970s, which is what his weird little rape-fantasy literary œuvre
is all about.) In the New York Times, former economist Paul Krugman
poo-poos the idea that Senator Sanders means that he is a socialist when he
says he is a socialist, but Sanders’s prescriptions do have a certain dustily
familiar aspect to them: Health care? Nationalize it by making Medicare an effective
public monopoly. Banking? Nationalize it by having the government operate its
own banks, i.e. by having the state literally own the means of production.
This is not new stuff for the gentleman from Vermont from
Brooklyn. He ran for governor of Vermont on a program that included, as those
naughty ring-wing radicals over at CNN put it, “nationalization of the energy
industry, public ownership of banks, telephone, electric, and drug companies
and of the major means of production such as factories and capital, as well as
other proposals such as a 100 percent income tax on the highest income earners
in America.” Then, as now, he talked like a dorm-room radical, speaking of his
desire to “create a situation in which the ordinary working people take what rightfully
belongs to them.” The usual socialist prattle: “If workers do not take power in
a reasonably short time this country will not have a future.” He now says he no
longer supports nationalization of industries, but that is really not quite
true: Along with health care and banking, he proposes to effectively
nationalize the energy industry (through a so-called Green New Deal) and much
else. Like Senator Elizabeth Warren, he favors changes in corporate governance
that would allow government to proceed as though it owned the country’s largest
firms even if they remained technically private. The point, according to the
Sanders campaign, is to “shift the wealth of the economy back into the hands of
the workers” because “corporate greed is destroying the social and economic
fabric of our society and rapidly moving our nation into an oligarchy.”
Senator Sanders is a politically and intellectually
unserious man — which is nothing new to American presidential politics, of
course. But he has been a radical left-wing Froot Loop long enough to know that
there are practical limits to public Froot-Loopery. Representative Alexandria
Ocasio-Cortez has not been around long enough to appreciate that fact. Which is
why, among Democrats who believe that American law-enforcement agencies are Enemies of the People and that our
immigration and border-patrol authorities should be liquidated in order to
facilitate the uncontrolled flow of people across open borders, she actually
says that American law-enforcement agencies are Enemies
of the People and that our immigration and border-patrol authorities
should be liquidated in order to facilitate the uncontrolled flow of people
across open borders.
Senator Sanders knows better than to say that. He also
knows better than to believe it. In the long-ago days of . . . 2016, Senator
Sanders riled up the gentlemen in Iowa’s union halls giving frankly nationalist
anti-immigration speeches that could have been delivered by Donald Trump. “Open
borders,” he insisted, were a billionaires’ scheme, a “Koch brothers proposal”
to flood the United States with cheap Latin American labor and thereby
undermine the power of the workers and their efforts to “take power.” Somebody
has given him the intersectionality talk since then, and he no longer sounds
quite so much like Pat Buchanan when he talks about immigration.
But Representative Ocasio-Cortez is one step beyond,
dismaying the Sanders campaign by using her campaign appearances to, among
other things, encourage law-breaking by and for illegal immigrants: “Organizing
is about tipping people off if you start to see that ICE and CBP are in
communities to try and keep people safe,” she says. Organizing to keep
law-enforcement agencies from enforcing the law in order to abet illegal
behavior isn’t politics — it is criminal conspiracy. Senator Sanders may not
care much about that, but he does not want to spend 2020 explaining it away,
either.
That is because Senator Sanders’s appeal is a nationalist
appeal, and the senator himself is, at heart, a nationalist, as indeed were the
Democratic giants of American progressivism who preceded him spiritually:
Franklin Roosevelt, above all, but also Woodrow Wilson. Representative
Ocasio-Cortez is an anti-nationalist, one whose sensibility (it would be too
much to describe her posturing as “ideas”) is more oriented toward trans-national
class solidarity. Which is to say, her socialism is more of the international
variety, whereas Sanders’s socialism is more of the nationalist variety, one
that is in tune with familiar Democratic appeals to “economic patriotism” and
denunciations of “economic traitors,” which is what Democrats called Mitt
Romney when he ran for president in 2012. As my friend Jonah Goldberg argues,
on economic questions, “nationalism” and “socialism” end up meaning the same
thing: An industry that is nationalized is one that is socialized, and one that
is socialized is one that is nationalized.
(Somebody really should think up a handy abbreviation for
the combination of nationalism and socialism that characterizes our bipartisan
consensus today.)
Senator Sanders’s camp may not like the way
Representative Ocasio-Cortez talks about illegal immigration, but the fact is
that the senator has moved her way on the issue rather than moving the
Democratic Party his. “Breaking up ICE and CBP” is right there in his campaign literature
. . . followed by the words “and redistributing their functions to their proper
authorities.” Not exactly open borders. Senator Sanders makes the usual noises
about the evils of for-profit detention centers, but he despises for-profit
activity at scale categorically. So, what to do? “Convene a hemispheric summit
with the leaders of Latin American countries who are experiencing migration
crises and develop actionable steps to stabilize the region,” says the Sanders
campaign. Actionable steps? Oh!
Compare Senator Sanders’s actionable steps to
Representative Ocasio-Cortez’s stop snitchin’ and you have a pretty good
indicator of the range of Democratic politics today. Poor old Joe Biden must be
wondering what the heck happened. (But he has been doing that for a decade or
two.) The question for 2020 is whether the path of least resistance leads
Biden-style Democrats to Ocasio-Cortez’s ascendant movement or to Donald
Trump’s — or to a purgatorial apathy, which Republicans would not reject as a
consolation prize.
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