By Noah Rothman
Friday, May 03, 2019
If you pushed all your chips in on the notion that Donald
Trump’s presidency represents an existential challenge to the Republic,
America’s persistent stability must be irritating. Rather than confront this
conundrum, gamblers like New York Times
opinion writer Charles Blow have discovered a novel way to get around American
resilience: pretend it doesn’t exist.
“America, as we knew it, is lost,” Blow opens his latest
column. “[I]t is certainly true now that Donald Trump has tested our
institutions and our constitutions—both government and personal—and found them
all wanting, found them all weak, found them all vulnerable to the ravaging.”
Even a sympathetic reader with a visceral distaste for
Donald Trump’s comportment and conduct, both in and out of government, would
have a difficult time supporting such a claim.
The American judiciary hasn’t buckled before Trump. It
has repeatedly forced him to tailor his populist ambitions to correspond with
the confines of executive power codified in law and in the Constitution. If
anything, Trump’s populist impulses have repeatedly dashed themselves against
the rocks of American institutions, humiliating
the administration in the process.
The voters haven’t been sidelined by Trump. They turned
out in record numbers for a midterm election to deliver a powerful rebuke of
his presidency, demonstrating that the public has not become complacent even
amid strong and sustained economic growth.
Even the Congress hasn’t caved to Trump, although it has
had some pretty bleak moments. Notable among them was its failure to roll back
the president’s reckless assumption of emergency powers to build his border
wall despite a substantial number of Republican defections. But the supine
Congress is a problem that predates Trump, and it’s one that did
not trouble Blow until this administration. Still, the legislature is not
entirely supplicative. Even the Republican-dominated 115th Congress routinely dismissed,
dodged,
or checked
the president’s worst impulses. And as Robert Mueller’s report demonstrated,
Trump’s own inner circle routinely defied him, thwarting his efforts to subvert
the independent investigation into his 2016 campaign.
Blow cites William Barr’s Wednesday testimony before the
Senate Judiciary Committee as an example of institutional failure, presumably
because he believes, like Nancy Pelosi, that Barr misled the committee under
oath. If the House Speaker truly believes that the attorney general committed a
“crime,” her chamber is free to pursue impeachment, contempt, or even to
recommend perjury charges. If the Democratic House caucus declines to pursue
these remedies, it’s not because they’ve been handcuffed by a tyrannical
president.
Blow adds that “Trump elevated the coarsest
constituencies of the party,” including racists and xenophobes, to prominence
within the GOP. I’m inclined to agree that Trump’s reckless rhetoric gave the
right’s most toxic elements the impression that their views were less marginal
than they are, but the conduct of Trump’s administration should disabuse them
of this notion. Just this week, the four members of the white supremacist group
responsible for engaging in much of the violence in Charlottesville pleaded
guilty to federal conspiracy charges. The prosecution and conviction rate for
hate crimes by the U.S. Justice Department remains consistent with rates
predating the Trump administration, and the DOJ and National Institute for
Justice have committed to increased funding for and dedicated research on hate
crimes.
Blow insists that America is “too dependent on custom” to
thwart the will of a determined demagogue. “America naïvely believed that the
presidency was for honorable men,” he wrote, “that the president of us would
always in some form be the best of us.” Anyone who believed that is a civic
illiterate. The Founders didn’t believe that. Constitutional checks on
presidential excesses, though strained by partisan politics and the willingness
of legislators to sacrifice influence in pursuit of fame, have not been
dissolved or circumvented.
Blow cites the difficulty of removing this president from
office by means of impeachment as an example of American administrative decay.
But subverting the will of the voters in a duly constituted election is supposed to be an extraordinary remedy
for extraordinary conduct. He does not make the case that Trump’s presidency
deserves to be euthanized. Perhaps he assumes his audience doesn’t need
convincing. But if he were to peruse the polling on the matter, Blow would find
that the public is unpersuaded that the results of the 2016 election should be
nullified.
Finally, we learn why Blow has so misrepresented the
state of American affairs. His intention is to argue against Democratic
prudence. Caution, he warns, is “antithetical to excitement,” and Democrats shouldn’t
risk the 2020 election on a candidate they think is likely to win. They should
risk it, instead, on a candidate who would be transformative in office. “[T]he
best time to truly rebuild a thing is when it has been destroyed,” he declares.
Blow’s morose assessment of America’s political landscape isn’t empirical but
utilitarian. The goal is to convince his fellow progressives to take a chance
on a radical, not restorative, antidote to Trump.
Donald Trump does
represent a unique challenge to what the late Charles Krauthammer deemed the
“guardrails of our democracy.” And though we are not out of the woods yet,
American institutions are holding in part because they are so resistant to the
kind of radical change Blow advocates, albeit in a subversive column ostensibly
lamenting radical change. Blow’s purpose here is not to appraise the state of
the Union, but to convince voters that the American “slate is clear” and that
which was worth preserving is already beyond repair. You have to give him the
credit he’s denied his fellow citizens: He knows what his audience wants to
hear.
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