National Review Online
Friday, July 07, 2017
It’s a strange day when praising the Warsaw uprising, the
Solidarity movement, and Pope John Paul II makes you a neo-Nazi, but that day
is, apparently, today, following President Trump’s speech to an assemblage of
dignitaries, alongside a cheering crowd, in Poland, on his way to the G20
summit.
When it comes to that elevated oratory associated with
the dignity of the Oval Office, Donald Trump has often shown himself neither gifted
nor inclined. Thursday’s speech was different. He praised the strength of
spirit of the Polish nation, recalling its triumphs over invaders from both
east and west during the 20th century. He celebrated Copernicus and Chopin. He
noted the long friendship between the United States and Poland, beginning with
the Polish soldiers who fought alongside colonial troops in America’s war for
independence. “Let us all fight like the Poles,” he concluded: “for family, for
freedom, for country, and for God.”
This, to a writer at Vox,
was rhetoric ripped from the manifestos of the “alt-right.” To Peter Beinart,
writing in The Atlantic, the speech
trafficked in “racial and religious paranoia,” and ultimately constituted
little more than a dog-whistle: “In his speech in Poland on Thursday, Donald
Trump referred ten times to ‘the West’ and five times to ‘our civilization.’
His white nationalist supporters will understand exactly what he means.” Other
writers and pundits parroted these lines.
On the whole the president’s detractors have offered
little more than an elaborate exercise in question-begging: Because Donald Trump is a bigot, what he
said must be bigoted, even if they cannot find any clear example in the
subject at hand. More sophisticated critics have observed that Trump’s
invocation of “the West” is discontinuous with his recent predecessors: Barack
Obama and George W. Bush used that terminology less frequently, preferring
instead the language of “universal values.” But context is important. Bush very
often was speaking to the Middle East in behalf of his freedom agenda. Trump
understandably and appropriately spoke in a different key in his speech in
Saudi Arabia than he did yesterday in Warsaw. Regardless, we’ve reached a very
weird pass if our civilization and all its glories are effectively considered
the property of Pepe the Frog.
In a more reasonable time, Trump’s speech would have been
uncontroversial. The values to which “the West,” traditionally understood, has
committed itself may be inscribed on the human heart, but it’s also a plain
fact that the commitments Trump defended in his speech — to “the dignity of
every human life,” the elevation of women “as pillars of our society,” the
defense of “the rights of every person” — grew up in a particular part of the
world and not in others, and that certain parts of the world are dedicated to
defending those things and others are not. Taken too far, a defense of
particularity can become a defense of atavistic modes of thinking. But it’s
also simply true that the conditions for genuine liberty have been most
successfully protected by those societies whose inheritance is in the
Greco-Roman and Judeo-Christian tradition.
That inheritance is under threat. ISIS, to take the most
obvious example, is not interested in “the dignity of every human life.” If Abu
Bakr al-Baghdadi & Co. had their way with France and the United Kingdom and
the United States, the core commitments that have defined those countries and
made them destinations for people across the world fleeing tyranny and
oppression would be destroyed. This scenario is not some bogeyman that
right-wingers have fabricated to gin up support for tighter immigration
policies and more defense spending; this is what the people who are part of
ISIS — and al-Qaeda, and Boko Haram, and the government in Tehran — say.
Another, albeit less dire, threat is posed by the destabilizing wave of
migrants and refugees that Europe is accepting, and which should make the EU
reconsider its casual distaste for borders.
When President Trump declared in his speech that “we must
work together to confront forces, whether they come from inside or out, from
the south or the east, that threaten over time to undermine these values and to
erase the bonds of culture, faith, and tradition that make us who we are,” he
was only stating a truth demonstrated throughout history: Societies that don’t
want to survive won’t. And that would be a particular calamity in Europe and
the Anglosphere, because it is there that the conditions of ordered liberty
have been most spectacularly achieved, and that achievement is fragile.
Securing the blessings of liberty for ourselves and our posterity did not
happen naturally or spontaneously, and it is not guaranteed, except by an
unflagging commitment to maintaining them — if necessary, by force of arms.
This is not about race. It is one of the obvious
achievements of Western civilization that its values and norms aren’t limited
to its core countries, but have spread throughout the world, and wherever they
have taken hold have contributed to the advance of human liberty and welfare.
All of this is apparently forgotten, though, when Donald
Trump is involved. That the president’s critics would jettison altogether the
foundations of their own liberty for dislike of him would seem to make the
speech’s central question — namely, “whether the West has the will to survive”
— all the more important.
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