By Elliot Kaufman
Saturday, July 22, 2017
I am starting to think that the teachers’ unions are
incapable of shame.
In a speech to her union’s convention Thursday, American
Federation of Teachers (AFT) president Randi Weingarten asserted that “The real
pioneers of private school choice were the white politicians who resisted
school integration.” She called school-choice programs the “only slightly more
polite cousins of segregation.” She compared Betsy DeVos, the U.S. secretary of
education, to climate-change deniers for supporting school-voucher programs.
And she exhorted the crowd to resist school-choice advocates’ “decades-long
campaign to protect the economic and political power of the few against the
rights of the many.”
What nonsense.
Weingarten’s segregation claim comes from a recent report
entitled “The Racist Origins of Private School Vouchers.” Written by the Center
for American Progress (CAP), a left-wing advocacy group, the historically
inaccurate report was ready-made for her stump speeches.
“Weingarten’s claim doesn’t pass the laugh test,” says
Jason Bedrick, director of policy for EdChoice. “She distorts the history of
education policy and ignores the facts on the ground. Public schools were once
racially segregated by law and they are de facto segregated today. Meanwhile,
disadvantaged minorities gain the most from expanded educational choice.”
In fact, as the American Enterprise Institute’s Frederick
Hess pointed out earlier this week, the long history of vouchers begins with
Thomas Paine and John Stuart Mill seeking to help poor families to educate
their children in the 18th and 19th centuries. The first major push to let
American families send their children to schools of their choice using public
funds was led by Catholics seeking to escape discriminatory public schools.
Moreover, American voucher programs were not “pioneered”
by resisters to school integration. Hess shows that America’s first
school-voucher program was the GI Bill, which paid for WWII veterans to attend
college. Afterward, even the liberals in Lyndon Johnson’s Office of Economic
Opportunity turned to vouchers as a way to help black children suffering in
segregated public schools.
“Vouchers were seized upon by racists as one of the many
tools they used to resist desegregation. That is true,” Hess writes. “But
that’s only a small piece of a much larger story. Vouchers have long been
proposed as a tool to empower families, temper the reach of the state,
democratize access to education, and offer better options to those failed by
the state.” Weingarten and the AFT deliberately ignore this history.
Moreover, the lie that vouchers are the “polite cousins
of segregation” is particularly egregious because the overwhelming weight of
the empirical evidence suggests that vouchers actually improve school
integration and fight segregation. Seven of eight methodologically sound
studies examining vouchers’ effect on school integration in America found
positive impacts on integration. The eighth found no statistically significant
impact.
As usual, the truth is the exact opposite of what the
teachers’ unions say.
School choice helps low-income black and Hispanic
children more than anyone else. In Florida’s private school-choice program, the
largest in the nation, 68 percent of the 100,000 scholarship recipients are
black or Hispanic. The average recipient’s household income is just $24,074.
Ninety-seven percent of scholarship recipients in Washington, D.C.’s
Opportunity Scholarship Program are minority students. Their average household
income is just $21,434. The Louisiana Scholarship program has 88 percent
minority enrolment. Need I go on?
Across the country, voucher and tax-credit programs are
allowing low-income parents, many of them minorities, to choose better schools
for their children. Wealthier families already have a range of choices. Public
schools in wealthy areas tend to perform well. If they don’t, parents can often
afford to pay expensive private-school tuition on their own. Poorer families,
on the other hand, are unable to afford private schools and thus are held
hostage by the inferior schools in their low-income school districts.
That is why these families love school choice: It
empowers them to help their children receive a good education.
Poll after poll reveals that school choice is popular,
especially with minority families. In 2016, an Education Next poll found that 64 percent of African Americans
supported scholarship tax credits. 57 percent of Hispanics supported universal
vouchers. Support has remained in the 60 percent range since at least 1999, as
the Cato Institute’s Neil McCluskey has pointed out.
For families participating in school-choice programs,
satisfaction is far higher. This is not even contested; school
choice improves parent satisfaction, across the country, in study after
study. Shouldn’t that matter to the teachers’ unions? Shouldn’t they care that
parents typically like school choice, and typically think it helps their
children?
It doesn’t, and they don’t. In her speech, Weingarten
dodged the issue: “I’ve never heard a parent say, ‘That school doesn’t work for
my kid. So I want to engage in an ideologically driven market-based experiment
that commodifies education and has been proven to be ineffective,’” she said.
Well, when you put it that way, neither have I. But
parents across the country have been telling anyone who will listen that they
want options. They want to use charter schools and vouchers and scholarship tax
credits to get their children out of failing schools and into better ones.
If Weingarten truly cared about school segregation and
inequality, she would realize that the public-school system exacerbates both
problems. It is a monopoly — with an opt-out for the rich, like most other
monopolies — that strands low-income children in mediocre, heavily segregated
school districts.
Instead, Weingarten and her ilk lie and smear and use any
means necessary to stop poor parents from choosing better schools for their
kids. They do so because preserving the public-school monopoly is in their own
narrow interests.
But it’s not in anyone else’s.
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