By
Michael Brendan Dougherty
Wednesday,
October 04, 2023
When Representative
Matt Gaetz set in motion the vote that ended Kevin McCarthy’s time as speaker
of the House, he wrote his own name into history, too. One is tempted to look
to real-life political assassinations for analogies. Was it madness, like John
Hinckley? Or politics, like John Wilkes Booth?
McCarthy
refused to take the bait of asking Democrats to help him overcome the tiny
minority of Republicans who joined Gaetz’s rebellion. Republicans who stuck
with McCarthy, even the most conservative, are understandably bereft. They
don’t know how long it will be until the House is functional. Many of their
colleagues are in swing seats and needed desperately to establish their
reputation as series officeholders, not as political kamikaze pilots.
Republicans in the House are now losing time that could be spent making further
inquiries into the Hunter Biden matter or our disastrous Covid response. They
are losing leverage, too. During the budget showdown that just ended, the
majority of the House Republican Conference voted against further aid to
Ukraine. The Senate then overruled Majority Leader Mitch McConnell’s instincts
and passed a bill separating Ukraine aid from the bill funding the continued
function of the government. To members of the Republican base, it looked like
the Republican House under McCarthy was just starting to punch above its very
limited weight. It was just starting to insert the spanners into the workings
of Democratic governance from the White House. Now, it’s being accused of being
part of the “uniparty” by Gaetz? C’mon.
Gaetz is
not without political talent. He has shown that in recent hearings. When
pressed on why he is doing what he did, he laid out all the ways in which
McCarthy had breached promises made about how legislation would work under his
speakership. McCarthy had denied representatives sufficient time to read bills
before their votes. He had broken the Hastert Rule, an informal deal which
obliges speakers not to use the opposition party to overcome a “majority of the
majority” on an issue. So McCarthy is not entirely innocent. He did break some
of these commitments. But other commitments agreed to by McCarthy and his
antagonists in the House Freedom Caucus were plainly impossible at the time
they were agreed to. Who’s at fault for believing in them?
Asked by
reporters if he was worried about “throwing this institution into chaos,
paralyzing the institution your party runs,” Gaetz replied with a short speech
that, in 2023, has an almost grandiloquent quality:
You know what I think paralyzes us? Continuing to govern by continuing
resolution and omnibus. You know what I think throws this institution into
chaos? Marching toward the dollar not being the reserve currency anymore. You
talk about chaos as if it’s me forcing a few votes and filing a few motions.
Real chaos is when the American people have to go through the austerity that is
coming if we continue to have $2 trillion annual deficits.
You know
what? I agree. And that would have been a fine banner to march under — if you
had a reasonable alternative to McCarthy. Asked whom he would support as the
next speaker, Gaetz says that there are more than 100 Republicans that would
suit him; that the caucus deserves “someone better” than McCarthy.
Maybe.
But “someone better” is not an answer. It’s little different from “I have
nobody.” A great moral crusade for running the House’s business more
transparently and balancing the books only works if you have the soldiers to
wage it effectively. Without that, it’s just empty moral vanity.
The head
of a house doesn’t want the mangiest outdoor cat to have a veto over the
business of the other members of the house. Someone better than Kevin McCarthy
won’t put up with this nuisance from the backbenches, or he won’t be able to do
the job at all.
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