By Rich
Lowry
Monday,
September 11, 2023
Let’s assume
that Representative James Comer and his colleagues discover nothing else about
the Biden family business, that the state of play stays exactly the same as it
is now.
We
already know that Joe Biden is corrupt.
He may
not be Representative William Jefferson cash-in-the-freezer corrupt, or
Governor Rod Blagojevich I’m-going-to-sell-this-Senate-seat corrupt. But he was
complicit in an inherently corrupt enterprise that centered on selling access
to him when he was a high official of the United States government who had
incredible power and was entrusted with handling sensitive matters.
Consider
Burisma, the corrupt Ukrainian energy company that paid his son lavishly to
serve on its board. At any point, Biden could have shut down this operation to
use his son to get to him, and at any number of junctures it should have been
obvious — if it wasn’t all along — what was happening. Biden did nothing and,
in fact, played along.
In other
words, he made himself party to a grotesque influence-peddling scheme
beneficial to his family. Is there any standard by which this is okay?
(I
should mention that the catalyst for this piece was a conversation with Andy
McCarthy on his podcast The McCarthy Report last week; Andy
set everything out with his accustomed clarity.)
The
quick version of the background on Burisma is that it was founded by Mykola
“Nikolay” Zlochevsky, who had to go on the lam after the government of Viktor
Yanukovych fell in the Maidan Revolution. The new government of Petro
Poroshenko put Zlochevsky under investigation. (The practice of investigating
and prosecuting officials of the prior regime is a common practice in shady
parts of the world, and now, also, of course, the United States.)
So
Burisma needed a helping hand. The company put Hunter Biden on the board for $1
million a year shortly after Vice President Biden, in charge of Ukraine policy,
was in Kyiv for meetings in April 2014. Hunter’s business partner Devon Archer
had a similar deal.
It was
completely obvious why Burisma would want the vice president’s son on the
board. (Indeed, Hunter’s pay was cut in half when his father stopped being vice
president.)
Assuming
for the sake of argument, though, that Joe Biden wasn’t aware of the
arrangement with Hunter beforehand, as soon he found out, the upstanding and
honest thing to do would have been to say, “No, sorry — there’s no way a son of
mine is going to be on the take in a foreign country that’s part of my policy
portfolio.”
Instead,
Burisma immediately began to ask for what it was paying for. Shortly after
Hunter got on the payroll, the CFO of Burisma, Vadym Pozharsky, sent an email
requesting that Hunter and Archer “use your influence” (they don’t call it
influence-peddling for nothing) to bring a halt to the investigation into
Zlochevsky and Burisma.
A year
later, Pozharsky was invited to a dinner, with Joe Biden in attendance, at Café
Milano in Georgetown. Also in attendance, by the way, was the Russian oligarch
Yelena Baturina, who showered Hunter and Archer with $3.5 million.
Again,
if Vice President Biden showed up at this dinner innocently, having no idea
that these shady characters who were paying his son inordinate amounts of money
were going to be there, he could have dressed down Hunter the next day and
insisted that such activity stop.
No such
umbrage was forthcoming, and Pozharsky was duly grateful. “Dear Hunter,” he
wrote afterward, “thank you for inviting me to DC and giving an opportunity to
meet your father and spent [sic] some time together.”
At the
end of the day, though, Pozharsky didn’t want vibes; he wanted outcomes.
In
November, he wrote Hunter and Archer with his worries that a proposed
arrangement with another outfit, Blue Star Strategies, lacked reference to
the “concrete tangible results that we set out to achieve.” He worried it
failed to “offer any names of top US officials here in Ukraine (for instance,
the US Ambassador) or Ukrainian officials (the President of Ukraine, chief of
staff, Prosecutor General) as key targets for improving Nikolay’s [i.e.,
Zlochevsky’s] case and his situation in Ukraine.”
He
wanted “concrete deliverables,” especially a list of top “US policy-makers” who
would be coming to Ukraine to achieve the “ultimate purpose to close down for
any cases/pursuits against Nikolay in Ukraine.”
He
referred to all this as “our joint efforts,” and Hunter assured him that “we
all are aligned.”
Nothing
about this was subtle. Are we really supposed to believe that everyone here
knew the score — both the people paying out the money and those taking it —
except the guy who had ascended to No. 2 in the United States government, who’d
been in Washington for decades and seen it all?
A month
later, Burisma had a board meeting in Dubai, where it had to meet because
Zlochevsky couldn’t return to Ukraine. His legal troubles were a focus of the
discussions. Afterward, Nikolay Zlochevsky and Vadym Pozharsky requested an
urgent private meeting with Hunter and Archer.
At this
get-together, Pozharsky asked Hunter, “Can you ring your dad?” This request was
astonishingly inappropriate. But, lo and behold, Hunter rang his dad.
Hunter
told the vice president that he was with “Nikolay and Vadym,” and the vice
president apparently didn’t need a refresher on who they were. Business wasn’t
directly discussed, except that Hunter insisted that his Ukrainian associates
and benefactors “need our support.”
Yet
again, here’s a moment for righteous indignation. How dare you call me
to advance your shady dealings with sleazy foreigners hoping to benefit from
your proximity to power?
There
was nothing of the sort. As it happens, within days — days — Joe Biden traveled
to Ukraine. The vice president met with Poroshenko urging him to fire the
prosecutor Viktor Shokin.
This was
a shocking and blatant conflict of interest. There are a couple of things an
honest politician could have done to avoid it. He could have demanded that
Hunter quit the Burisma board immediately. Or he could have recused himself
from all Ukraine-related matters, given his son’s business dealings that
directly involved his conduct as vice president.
Of
course, he did neither. Biden proceeded on a course that suited the interests
of his son and his business partner. Now, there were other reasons to seek the
firing of Shokin, but politicians who want to be above reproach stay a hundred
miles away from such situations. Biden didn’t, clearly, because the family
business depended on Hunter engaging in such work.
The
golden goose depended on two things: Biden being in powerful positions or
potentially occupying them in the future, and Hunter taking advantage of his
proximity to power. Both sides of the equation were necessary; without one of
them, the business model would collapse.
Not only
did Biden do nothing to stop the scheme, he helped cover for Hunter.
The day
of that Burisma board meeting in Dubai, Hunter business partner Eric Schwerin
emailed a draft statement to Vice President Biden’s communications director,
Kate Bedingfield, to use to beat back potential inquiries about Hunter’s shady
dealings. He proposed this:
Hunter Biden joined the Board to strengthen corporate governance and
transparency at a company working to advance energy security for Ukraine. These
are also goals of the United States. Far from being out of sync with the
policies of the United States, the Board is working to bring this privately
held energy company into the kind of future that is critical for a free and
strong Ukraine. These are goals that attracted not just Hunter to the effort,
but respected American and European political and business leaders.
Bedingfield
emailed Schwerin back, saying that the vice president had approved a statement
to be put out in her name if anyone asked about Hunter:
Hunter Biden is a private citizen and a lawyer. The Vice President does
not endorse any particular company and has no involvement with this company.
The Vice President has pushed aggressively for years — both publicly with
groups like the US-Ukraine Business Forum and privately in meetings in with
Ukrainian leaders — for Ukraine to make every effort to investigate and
prosecute corruption in accordance with the rule of law. It will once again be
a key focus during his trip this week.
The vice
president–approved statement was slightly less shameless than the Schwerin
version, but still fundamentally dishonest.
The
Burisma officials still thought they’d made a good investment. Certainly no one
on the Biden side of the deal was trying to convince them otherwise. Early the
next year, in 2016, Zlochevsky reportedly told an FBI informant who asked about
the Shokin investigation, “Don’t worry. Hunter will take care of all those
issues through his dad.”
Later,
Zlochevsky also told the informant that he paid $10 million in total to Joe and
Hunter Biden. He denigrated Hunter, saying that his dog was smarter, but that
Hunter needed to be on the board “so everything will be OK.”
Needless
to say, this isn’t dignified or honorable work, but it’s certainly lucrative. A
better steward of the public trust than Joe Biden wouldn’t have tolerated it
for a minute — indeed, would have felt embarrassed and disgusted by it.
Instead,
he was on board. The hypothetical at the beginning of this piece — that we
won’t learn more about Joe Biden’s involvement in these dealings — is unlikely
to be the case. But we really already know everything we need to about Joe
Biden.
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