By
Charles C. W. Cooke
Monday,
September 11, 2023
Governor
Michelle Lujan Grisham of New Mexico has an interesting
take on her
constitutional role. Elaborating upon her decision to “suspend” the state’s
concealed- and open-carry laws in the service of a vaguely defined “emergency,”
she explained that “no constitutional right, in my view, including my oath, is
intended to be absolute. There are restrictions on free speech. There are
restrictions on my freedoms.”
Okay,
then. So why not arrest her?
The
obvious rejoinder to this suggestion is “the law.” But, as she has made
perfectly clear, Lujan Grisham doesn’t believe in all that nonsense. In defense
of her executive order, she has provided nothing except the reiteration of her
desire. She has cited no statute, invoked no constitutional provision, pointed
to no court order or precedent or wrinkle. Hers is an assertion: I believe
there is an emergency, therefore I must.
Two can
play that game. More than anything else, the Framers of America’s
constitutional order feared executive tyranny. They built a nation of laws not
men, of constitutions not caprice, of legislatures not kings. If the people of
New Mexico now live in a Choose Your Own Adventure book, what
is to stop any of them, too, from declaring an emergency and acting
accordingly? Lujan Grisham has said that she is obliged “to take a tough direct
stand,” lest she be seen to be “ignoring” the problem. Her aim, she has
confirmed, is to send a “resounding message.”
So
arrest her — without a warrant and without cause. Put her in prison for 30 days
without a trial. Raise her taxes to 100 percent without an appropriations bill.
Take her property without reimbursement. Quarter some troops in her home.
Impose an excessive fine. Hit her with a bill of attainder — imposed ex post
facto if possible. And, for good measure, prevent her from complaining about it
by imposing a monthlong gag order — to be lifted once this emergency has gone.
Would
that be wrong? Here’s a challenge: Explain why it would be
wrong without appealing to the rule of law. In Lujan Grisham’s estimation, “no
constitutional right, including my oath, is intended to be absolute.” All
right. Let’s suspend them both. For a month only, her oath will be on hiatus
and her rights will be deferred. Don’t worry, it’s not a permanent abridgment;
it’s a targeted moratorium for the public good. “There are restrictions on my
freedoms,” the governor insists. Then let’s impede them.
And if
that’s a problem? Then she can take it to the courts. By design, her approach
has been to restrict first and litigate later. Surely, she too must live under
that rule? “I’ve warned everyone that we expect a direct challenge,” she told
the press. If that’s good enough for the people, it’s good enough for the
governor. Once the necessary actions have been taken, she can file an
objection. In the meantime, though, it will stand. It’s regrettable, but
there’s no choice. Something must be done, and this is something. That’s how
emergencies work. Right?
Wrong.
There is, I’m afraid, no comprehensible way of distinguishing between what I
have facetiously proposed above and what Governor Lujan Grisham has attempted
in New Mexico. A stable and intelligible set of written laws is what separates
free nations such as the United States and the tyrannies it was designed to
avoid. That law must be seamless in its scope and application. It cannot be
applied to some but not others; it cannot be suspended at will; it cannot be
subordinated to the subjective judgment of those who swore an oath to uphold
it. It exists, or it does not. It remains intact, or it is torn apart. It is
universal, or it is obviated. In the 18th century, Edmund Burke wrote glowingly
about the colonists’ hair-trigger approach toward usurpations. “They augur
misgovernment at a distance,” Burke judged, “and snuff the approach of tyranny
in every tainted breeze.” Governor Lujan Grisham has tainted the breeze. She
now has a choice. She can back off. Or she, too, can be subjected to the
arbitrary framework she has contrived for everyone else. In this
country, we put restrictions on our politicians.
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