By Noah Rothman
Friday, February
11, 2022
In August, the Atlantic’s Peter Nicholas articulated the Biden administration’s hopes for how it might
wiggle out of the mess that the botched withdrawal from Afghanistan had made
for the White House. “Memories being short,” he wrote, “voters may eventually
forget the tumult at the Kabul airport.” Moreover, “Biden might get political
credit for ending American involvement in an unpopular war, as people in his
orbit predict.” We can now definitively conclude that this outlook was wishful
thinking.
Though there were many contributing
factors, satisfaction with the job Joe Biden was doing in office and confidence
in his ability to competently manage the nation’s affairs cratered in
August, and it never recovered. The shell of a
country America left behind in Central Asia never quite fell out of the news in
the way Biden’s boosters hoped it would. Between the rising threat of
terrorism, a terrible humanitarian
crisis, and the slow drip of new information about how spectacularly the withdrawal was bungled, Afghanistan
has become a cancer on this administration.
You can understand why Joe Biden would
like to pretend that this isn’t happening, so that’s exactly what he’s doing.
On Wednesday, the president conveyed that, when it comes to Afghanistan, he is
substituting his preferred reality for the one to which we’re all privy.
In an interview with NBC News’ Lester
Holt, the president was asked about a damning 2,000-page report produced by
the U.S. Army and obtained by reporters as a
result of a Freedom of Information Act request. The report details previously
unreported violence that American service personnel experienced amid the
chaotic withdrawal.
It details how Americans lost their lives
in the effort to defend what U.S. commanders knew to be an indefensible
position around Kabul’s airport. It blames political leadership in Washington
for insisting upon a U.S. military footprint that was too small to hold Bagram
Airbase and, thus, to execute a civilian evacuation with anything approaching
the necessary speed. It suggests that politics, not national-security concerns,
guided decision-making within the National Security Council as the withdrawal
date approached. After all, if “policymakers had paid attention to the
indicators of what was happening on the ground,” Rear Admiral Pere Vasely said,
the withdrawal might have gone differently.
The level of negligence this report
describes is inexcusable. So rather than fabricate some unconvincing excuse for
his administration’s recklessness, Biden is taking a bolder approach:
Make-believe that none of this is happening.
“Does any of that ring true to you,” Holt
said of the report’s conclusions. “No,” Biden replied. “No. That’s not what I
was told.”
“That you were told that the U.S.
administration officials were prepared,” Holt followed up, “they knew it was
time to get out?”
“No,” Biden added. Biden confirmed that
“there was no good time to get out,” but that a more cautious evacuation plan
would have involved a larger troop presence; “not just 2,000 or 4,000” troops,
he said. Biden added that “there was no way we were ever going to unite
Ukraine, or, excuse me, Iraq—Afghanistan—no way that was going to happen. And,
so, this was a much wiser thing to do.”
“Are you rejecting the conclusions or the
accounts that are in this Army report?” Holt asked. “Yes, I am,” Biden replied
emphatically. “So, they’re not true,” Holt queried. Biden conspicuously avoided
answering the question directly. “I’m rejecting them,” he concluded.
Biden can only “reject” these conclusions
because he cannot refute them.
The president has repeatedly claimed that
his advisers believed that untold thousands of American soldiers would be
required to evacuate American civilians competently, as though that is too high
a price to pay to keep Americans from falling behind enemy lines. Regardless,
the president is relying on your ignorance. True, we’re not talking about “4,000”
troops; we’re talking about 4,500 troops. That was the troop presence that
the Afghanistan
Study Group recommended the U.S. deploy to ensure
the safety of Americans and their allies. Informally, unnamed defense officials
estimated that it would take as many as 8,000
uniformed personnel to keep and hold Bagram. That’s more
than the 700 American soldiers Biden thought he could get away with leaving in
Afghanistan initially, but it’s not much more than the 6,000 U.S. soldiers he
eventually had to dispatch to Central Asia after the government collapsed. Was
that really the “wiser thing to do?”
Was there ever going to be a unity
government in Afghanistan? Based on the negotiations with the Taliban to which
both the Biden and Trump administrations committed themselves, no—at least, not
one that included the Taliban as just one of many partners. But the 20 years
America spent advising and supporting the government in Kabul at least implies
the total implosion of the government was not inevitable. That event was
precipitated not just by the withdrawal of U.S. troops but the American
airpower and civilian contractors who kept the Afghan air force flying. Nor did we have absolutely no choice but to leave Americans behind to
fend for themselves—Americans, we are regularly
reminded, who are still there.
Implicitly, they are hostages of the Taliban regime, but they are joined by a
growing list of foreigners (including
Americans) who are now explicitly the
Taliban’s captives.
Much of this was foreseeable because it
was foreseen. And not just outside the halls of American political power. On
July 8, Joe Biden told the American public that the Afghan government was
unlikely to collapse, and the U.S. embassy insisted it would remain open for
the foreseeable future (likely contributing to the complacency of the Americans
we subsequently abandoned). But in July, U.S. intelligence agencies “predicted
that should the Taliban seize cities, a cascading collapse could happen rapidly
and the Afghan security forces were at high risk of falling apart,” according
to the New York Times. How could they not? The implosion of the Afghan state was occurring in
real-time before our very eyes.
The president’s suggestion that a handful
of bloggers, think tanks, and op-ed writers predicted what the Pentagon and
National Security Council could not beggars belief. If Joe Biden thinks
erecting a reality distortion field around the horrors he unleashed upon
Afghanistan will save him, he’s only fooling himself.
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