By Noah Rothman
Thursday, November 11, 2021
On May 11, 1996, a McDonnell Douglas DC-9 took off from
Miami International Airport bound for Atlanta. A little over one hour into the
flight, an improperly stored oxygen generator exploded in the airplane’s cargo
hold. Seconds later, a fire broke out in the passenger cabin and the plane
began rapidly losing electrical power. At this point, a fateful decision was
made to open the cockpit and, as the plane banked hard toward the nearest
airport to make an emergency landing, the flight crew became incapacitated by
smoke. All 110 people on board ValuJet Airlines Flight 592 died when the plane
crashed into the Florida Everglades.
Although it was perhaps unfair, the carrier took the
blame for this incident. The brand “ValuJet” had always been “vaguely
unsettling,” according to TIME magazine, in part because it evoked in the minds
of consumers corner-cutting measures that only reduced the cost of flying at
higher risk to passengers. Within a year, “ValuJet” was gone. The carrier
bought out the smaller competitor AirTran Airways, assumed its name, and
resumed normal business operations. But the carrier’s fleet continued to suffer malfunctions associated with “an array” of
“maintenance problems.” The problem was the product, not the brand. In 2010,
Southwest bought out the airline, and the troubled carrier had ceased all
operations by 2014.
I was reminded of this story by a spasm of outrage on the
progressive left over the term “woke.” Amid the dawning realization among
Democratic political professionals that the uncompromising, absolutist, and
illiberal brand of social-justice activism overtaking their party is an
electoral drag, the party’s youngish activists are trying to anathematize the
word that describes this phenomenon. But the problem is the product, not the
brand.
“What went wrong is this stupid wokeness,” said
Democratic strategist James Carville when asked why Democrats lost winnable
races in places like Virginia, New Jersey, Minneapolis, Buffalo, and Seattle.
Everything from the movement’s race essentialism to its hostility toward law
enforcement is a proven political loser. The party’s activist class, Carville
suggested, “need to go to a woke detox center or something.”
To this, one of the more preeminent high priestesses of
this quasi-religious ideology, Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, objected.
“Wokeness,” she said, “is a term almost exclusively used by older
people these days.” Moreover, the only people “seriously using the word ‘woke’”
are opponents of the philosophy. From there, a campaign of language policing
sputtered to life. “If you’re not black and started using ‘woke’ pejoratively
sometime post-2018 or so,” Slate’s Joel Anderson wrote, “I think it’s fair to consider
it a racial slur.” Pundits gathered to debate the word’s suddenly
incomprehensible meaning. At the very least, the word had become decidedly
unhip, according to the online language-learning platform Preply. Its survey found that
Baby Boomers are the “most likely generation” to use the word, which is the
fourth-most-hated slang term they tested.
Much in the way that the constellation of academic
concepts encapsulated in the discipline “critical race theory” suddenly became
a way to express coded “dog whistle” racism, the race is on to intimidate
anyone who would use this once ubiquitous and celebrated
badge of progressive enthusiasm as an insult.
Though he was raging against the new reality progressives
are gradually coming to acknowledge, New York Times columnist
Charles Blow has it right. “‘Woke’ is now almost exclusively used by those who
seek to deride it, those who chafe at the activism from which it sprang,” he writes. “Opponents to the idea are seeking to render it
toxic.” Indeed. And they are succeeding.
The left’s outrage is a product of their recognition that
“wokeness” is a failing brand. It conjures in the minds of its opponents and
skeptics a new “enlightened” posture toward racial dynamics that sees people
not as individuals but as products
of their environments and the accidents of their birth. It has become
associated with hostility toward the blind conduct of justice; everything from
high evidentiary standards for criminal convictions to the right to confront
your accuser in court are contemptible artifacts of the “white man’s culture.” It is hostile toward free expression, racial integration, and intuitive truths such as the idea that men and women
are biologically distinct, and race is a fluid construct—not a static feature
that sets people on a predetermined course in life.
An ideologically diverse coalition has risen up against
this ideology with the explicit intention of anathematizing “woke” and all
its sundry tenets. The progressive backlash against a word of their own design
is evidence that these efforts are bearing fruit. A nascent rebranding campaign
is now underway. But whatever comes of that brainstorming session, this
ideology’s oxygen generators are still improperly stowed. It will continue to
malfunction on the tarmac. The product social-justice enthusiasts are pushing
will still conflict with the principles and freedoms that underwrite the
American experiment no matter what you call it. Slapping a new coat of paint on
a defective vehicle won’t make the thing fly.
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