By Noah Rothman
Wednesday, November 10, 2021
One of the many benefits of acknowledging that you lost
an election is the freedom that admission gives you to soul-search and
course-correct. On November 2, Democrats lost. The swing to Republicans in
2021’s off-year elections was so uniform and deep that all but the most
unscrupulous hacks recognize that the party in power has a problem. In their
efforts to diagnose that problem, however, Democrats have failed to acknowledge
one of the more indomitable obstacles before them: the polls.
One area of public policy where Democrats and their
allies in media are willing to admit that the governing party lost its way is
public education. Specifically, how the pandemic contributed to keeping schools
(wholly or partially) closed. That, New York magazine’s Adam Rice admitted,
was the issue for New Jersey voters who nearly ousted an incumbent governor in
favor of a little-known Republican challenger. That was the issue in Virginia,
per the New York Times, for voters ranging from “lifelong
liberal Democrats to activist Trump supporters.” That realization has led prominent voices on the left to urge Democratic officials to rein in constituent
groups like teachers’ unions because, if they don’t, voters will.
It took an election loss for this revelation to dawn on
Democrats, but that didn’t have to be. As early as the summer of 2020, warning signs were apparent well before
voters registered their dissatisfaction at the polls. Following that year’s
nightmarish spring, pollsters
surveying parents in some of America’s most notoriously left-wing
locales found that this engaged demographic was desperate to get their kids
back into schools full-time. That sentiment only grew more pronounced by early 2021, as the temporary emergency
measures adopted in early 2020 congealed into a new status quo.
But polls of parents were often drowned out by surveys
of all adults, a majority of whom were far more reluctant to allow
students to return to in-person education. If they were so inclined, Democrats
could comfort themselves with the polling that suggested “few Americans” wanted schools to reopen normally. They
might have clung to polls of black and Hispanic parents, who were
reliably more cautious than their white counterparts, and they could have
convinced themselves that a quick return to in-person education would
contribute to American racial disparities. They could retreat to polls of teachers, who regarded a rapid return to normal as
such a threat to their personal safety that it might produce a stampede of resignations among educators.
Armed with this information, Democrats assured themselves
that school closures, remote and hybridized learning, and half-day education
were good enough to satisfy their coalition without offending a majority of likely
voters. That was wrong. Even now, pollsters continue to insist that dissatisfaction with
COVID-mitigation policies in American classrooms is a fringe outlook. What those
polls do not tell Democrats is that the fringe does not stay home on Election
Day.
Schooling wasn’t the only area in which polling led
Democrats astray. Another underexplored area that likely contributed to
Democratic woes on November 2 was the debacle in Afghanistan.
While reflecting on Virginia gubernatorial candidate
Terry McAuliffe’s loss, Michael Halle, one of his campaign officials, confessed
that this race turned an ugly corner for the Democratic candidate when Kabul
fell to the Taliban, touching off two weeks of bloody chaos culminating in a
humiliating defeat for the United States. “That was the first and only shift in
our internal polling from 4 or 5 points to just about even,” Halle said. There was no bounce back.
It’s unsurprising that Democrats farther down the ballot
would be tarnished by Joe Biden’s role in engineering America’s disgrace in
Afghanistan. The president’s polling, too, began to slide into negative territory after Kabul
fell on August 15. That decline grew only more pronounced as the consequences of this folly
manifested in abject chaos, American deaths, and the eventual abandonment of
untold thousand of U.S. citizens and permanent residents behind enemy lines.
For example, in Monmouth University’s final poll of the race for
governor in New Jersey, just 43 percent of the state’s voters approved of the
president’s performance in office while 49 percent disapproved. In the end, the
Republican candidate vastly outperformed his polling to win precisely 49
percent of the vote.
Here, too, Democrats were misled by public opinion
polling, which had long indicated that the American public wanted out of
Afghanistan. A careful analysis of the polling around that issue in the years
leading up to American withdrawal would have led more observers to conclude
what Brookings Institute researchers Madiha Afzal and Israa Saber found: that the conflict
in Afghanistan had lost much of its salience. More voters wanted Americans out
of Central Asia, yes. But non-response rates and tepid
support for full withdrawal should have led Democrats to conclude that
precipitously abandoning American commitments there (to say nothing of the
predictable chaos that would follow) would do more to sap the public of
enthusiasm for Democratic governance than it would enliven the party’s base
vote.
The lesson here, should Democrats care to learn it, is
that enthusiasm favors the dissatisfied. That lesson is especially applicable
today, as Democrats comfort themselves with polls that suggest the party’s
unwieldy spending bills are popular even as inflation soars and voters begin to couple their worsening economic circumstances
with profligacy in Washington. If Democrats reject that lesson today, voters
may well have to administer it again next year.
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