By Kevin D. Williamson
Tuesday, October 05, 2021
“We
are going to tax the rich and make them pay their fair share!” Senator Manchin thunders the sentiment from his yacht, Senator
Sanders from his lakeside dacha, Senator Warren from her gilded Cambridge
retreat. Tesla-driving Met-gala debutante Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez insists that
Democrats are going after the top 1 percent, not doctors, blissfully ignorant
that doctors are more common among the top 1 percent than are members of any
other occupation. Jonathan Chait, the dim and dishonest New York magazine typist,
denounces the inconvenient facts about federal tax policy as — and I am not
making this up — “deeply misleading” even though the figures in question are “literally true,” italics in original.
Here is some more literal truth about
taxes you may find useful.
Fair share? The high-income already pay
the majority of federal income tax, and the share of tax they pay is larger than
their share of income. Their share of all taxes (income tax and other kinds of
taxes) is also in excess of their share of income, though not as dramatically
as is their share of federal income tax.
According to IRS data, the top 1 percent
of taxpayers (which includes households making $540,000 a year or more) take
home about 21 percent of all income and pay about 40 percent of federal income
taxes — which is to say, their share of the income-tax burden is about twice their
share of the income.
The top 10 percent earns about 48 percent
of all income and pays about 71 percent of federal income taxes.
The top half of earners make about 88
percent of the income and pay virtually all of the income taxes — more than 97
percent.
The Tax Policy Center, a left-leaning
advocacy group, calculates that 1 percenters pay an effective federal tax rate
— on all taxes, not just income tax — of 29.4 percent, while the top 0.1
percent pays 30.1 percent — an effective rate higher than that of any other
income group. Their federal tax rate is more than twice that
of middle-income (third quintile) households.
Chait cites figures from the left-leaning
Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy (ITEP). These figures model all taxes
— federal, state, and local — and the findings are similar to what we see with
federal income taxes, though less dramatically so. According to ITEP, the top 1
percent earns 20.9 percent of all income but pays 24.1 percent of all taxes —
well more than their “fair share.”
ITEP calculates that the top 20 percent
earns 61.9 percent of income but pays 66.5 percent of the taxes.
The great economic problem facing the poor
and the middle classes is not that high-income Americans aren’t paying taxes
that are proportional to their incomes. The great problem for the poor is that
both incomes and mobility are stagnant for lower-skilled workers, with
globalization and automation putting pressure on those jobs. The great problem
for the middle class is rising prices of certain critical goods, namely housing
in the markets where the best jobs are, health care, and education. The basic
responsible progressive proposition (to the extent that there is such a thing)
is that higher taxes on the wealthy would make funds available to subsidize
these goods on behalf of those with lower incomes. The conservative response is
that the worst housing, the worst health care, and the worst schools already
are free, and that much of what is wrong with those markets is the
result of earlier progressive efforts to fix them.
Conservatives also are right to point out
that if American progressives want to build a Scandinavian-style welfare state,
then they are going to need to impose Scandinavian-style taxes, meaning
radically higher taxes on the middle classes. There isn’t enough leftover income
at the top to fund what progressives dream of.
Tax rates are not the
same thing as tax revenue. Progressives and conservatives are equally sentimental about the
immediate post-war years, and progressive in particular like to point to
sky-high federal tax rates in the Eisenhower era as evidence that the economy
can thrive and produce widely shared prosperity with radically higher taxes.
But that is not really the lesson of the
1950s at all.
It is true that in 1950 and 1951, federal
tax rates topped out at more than 90 percent, a number that is almost unthinkable
in our time. But there is a considerable difference between the statutory
marginal rate — the rate you theoretically pay on your last dollar — and the
effective rate, the real overall rate.
In fact, very high-income households in
the 1950s paid effective tax rates that were not much different from what they
pay today — a bit higher in some cases, but not radically higher. That
91-percent rate was not applied to a lot of dollars.
More important, the overall tax burden —
meaning actual tax revenue as a share of GDP — was lower in those years than it
is in our time. In 2020, the federal government collected 16.4 percent of GDP
in taxes, while in 1950 and 1951, it was 13.2 percent and 14.9 percent, respectively.
In fact, Fed data show that for most of the post-war period, federal tax revenues
have mostly stayed around a relatively narrow band of 15 percent to 18 percent
of GDP, even as tax rates and other tax policies have changed significantly.
As always, please do consult the original data yourself if you think you’re not getting the whole story.
We should not, however, undervalue the
difference a few percentage points makes when you are talking about something
as large as U.S. GDP. The 19.8 percent the government collected in 2000 had the
federal budget nominally in surplus. Four years later, tax cuts and economic
weakness had that figure down to 15.4 percent of GDP, producing serious
deficits. If you are serious about balancing the budget, or just reducing the
deficit, then the most realistic path is getting tax collections and spending
both back to turn-of-the-century levels.
Some will prefer mid-century levels. But
it should be understood that the federal budget in the post-war years was
radically different in its priorities from today’s budget: In the early 1950s,
about 75 percent of federal spending was defense-related, while everything else
added up to 25 percent. We spent four times as much on defense as on all “human
resources” — education, welfare, etc. — programs combined. Today,
we have cut military spending by two-thirds (from almost 10 percent of GDP in
the 1950s to just over 3 percent now) while welfare spending has more than
quadrupled (from 3.9 percent of GDP to more than 16 percent). The next time a
lefty friend says he wants to go back to 1950s budgeting, make sure he knows
the facts of the case.
Tax rates affect tax compliance/avoidance
behavior. One of the reasons (though far from the
only reason) that tax rates don’t line up in the expected way
with tax revenue is that tax rates affect taxpayers’ behavior.
The poster boy for Eisenhower-era tax-avoidance behavior is . . . Dwight Eisenhower,
in fact. As a lifelong military man, Ike was far from wealthy, but, after the
war, he was offered $1 million to write a memoir. With $1 million, he’d be
pretty well-set — but with $99,550 after taxes, he would be far from that. So
Eisenhower talked his publisher into structuring his deal in such a way as to
have the income taxed at the lower capital-gains rate rather than at the
confiscatory federal income-tax rate. He wasn’t alone: Tax avoidance drove all
sorts of aspects of business compensation and affluent lifestyles in that era,
with executives shifting all kinds of personal consumption onto the firm and
well-off men acquiring rental properties and other businesses that threw off a
lot of cash but managed to show on-paper losses.
A lot of that was straight-up tax fraud.
But we have become more effective at detecting and prosecuting that sort of
thing, and so, in our time, most tax-avoidance strategies are entirely legal.
Private-equity operations structure their businesses the way they do largely
for tax purposes, and a great vast sum of American corporate profits are exiled
to Ireland, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, and Switzerland for tax
purposes. (Amsterdam and Zurich — some race to the bottom!) These are not
“loopholes” — this is the tax law, operating as intended. It isn’t some bizarre
accident that we treat investment income differently from salary income — that
is a policy choice, partly intended to encourage investment and partly intended
to account for the fact that we already tax corporate income before it gets
paid out as dividends.
The U.S. tax system, far from being lax in
this regard, is remarkably invasive compared with the tax regimes of other
developed countries, and remarkably expansive in its interpretation of its
taxing jurisdiction. And we have a slightly higher top corporate-tax rate than
Sweden, in the same neighborhood as Denmark and Norway.
Businesses and, to a lesser extent,
high-income people have a lot of choices — about how, when, and where they earn
their income, about how that income is classified under tax law, etc. The
Powers that Be in New York have been learning that the hard way, as
ultra-high-income New Yorkers — who pay an enormously disproportionate share of
state and local taxes — decamp for Florida.
Even if there were 100 percent compliance
with the law — and there isn’t, and isn’t going to be — perfectly legal
strategies for tax avoidance limit what class-war progressives can actually
accomplish. And that matters, because . . .
Using the tax code to raise revenue for
necessary government spending is different from using the tax code for social
engineering and revenge. Conservatives well remember Barack
Obama’s declaration that he would raise taxes on wealthy people and businesses
even if doing so were economically destructive, simply because he believed it to
be a moral imperative. The vindictive attitude toward taxation completely
dominates progressive thinking — which is why Democrats such as Elizabeth
Warren and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez are always going on about how much
money wealthy people have rather than focusing on the
situation of the poor and how that might be alleviated. Barack
Obama, in his own words, believes that morality calls for
reducing the wealth of the wealthy, irrespective of other considerations.
We hear a lot of that when we are talking about
inheritance taxes. From a fiscal point of view, the inheritance tax is an
almost purely symbolic issue: It raises very little revenue, and it would raise
very little revenue even if it were jacked up. Raising the inheritance tax is
not about revenue — it is about resentment.
As usual, that resentment is misplaced. In
reality, inherited assets make up a relatively small share of the wealth of
wealthy Americans. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, inherited
assets make up about 15 percent of the wealth of the top quintile if we are
sorting by wealth, and about 13 percent of the wealth of the top
quintile if we are sorting by income. As it turns out, inherited
assets make up a much larger share of the wealth of those with lower incomes:
43 percent for the bottom quintile and 31 for the second quintile. (What that
means more often than not is that these lower-income households inherited a
house from parents or grandparents, and that this house accounts for a very
large share of their wealth.) Most wealthy Americans earn most of their wealth,
a few Waltons and Marses and billionaire
dilettante magazine publishers notwithstanding.
Of course people with rich parents enjoy
an unearned advantage in life. So do people who are tall, good-looking, or born
with a relatively high IQ. (In fact, a great deal of our Kulturkampf politics
is driven by the bile and hatred of people who enjoy one sort of unearned
advantage directed at people who enjoy another.) But the important ways that
rich parents provide their children with advantages mostly happen earlier in
life and have nothing to do with inheritance: Rich parents see to it that their
kids get the sort of education that makes the most of their talents, including
all sorts of help outside of school; they make sure that college is paid for
and that their kids have only their studies and interests to worry about; they
subsidize their participation in unpaid internships or low-paying entry-level
jobs in elite professions; they make sure that unexpected setbacks or bad
decisions do not produce debilitating long-term financial burdens; they help
them get on the home-equity escalator earlier and more substantially; they have
networks of friends and associates who can help their children connect with
opportunities that they aren’t going to see on Monster.com. And, because
wealthy people tend to be long-lived, when they leave money to their children,
those “children” are often in their 60s, having made lives and careers of their
own — which is why those inherited assets often make up a small portion of
their wealth.
If you want to reform taxes in order to
fund necessary government programs in the least economically and socially
disruptive way, that’s one conversation. If you want to reform taxes because
you’re a horrifying ghoul living out some ghastly perverse “Harrison Bergeron”
fantasy, that’s a different conversation. What works best for one is not
generally what works best for the other.
But maybe none of this matters, because in
a real economic sense, taxes are paid jointly. The old proverb about businesses just passing along tax increases to
consumers isn’t entirely right, but it isn’t entirely wrong. Many businesses,
including very large ones such as Walmart and McDonald’s, have very little
negotiating power vis-à-vis their customers. Walmart’s business model is based
on low prices, and, if Walmart raises prices too much, its customers just go
elsewhere — Target, Amazon, HEB, whatever. But firms such as Walmart and
McDonald’s do tend to have a great deal of negotiating power with their vendors
and other business partners, with service providers, and, in many cases, with
their employees. Shareholders — the people who own these companies — are going
to do their best to push off expenses onto anybody else they can rather than go
into their own pockets. That can mean lower incomes for everybody from farmers
to truck drivers to store clerks, to people who work in paper-goods factories
or unloading goods at ports.
Just how much and to whom tax costs get
pushed around is a matter of some dispute and much study in economics, but the
basic answer is: They get redistributed quite a bit, generally to those with
the least negotiating power in the market. Which is what you’d expect.
Economists have spent years studying the payroll tax, one part of which is
notionally paid by employees and one part of which is notionally paid by
employers. The general consensus is that employees pay both their share and
much of the employer’s share, which is passed on to them in the form of lower
wages.
It matters where a tax legally and
formally falls. But, ultimately, we all end up on the hook for taxes that are
not legally our burden, because there is a world of difference
between statutory fiction and economic reality. That is why it matters to all
of us that government use our money in a prudent and responsible way and that
it collect taxes in such a way as to minimize economic damage and distortions.
In the end, that is more important than whether the top statutory income-tax
rate is 39.9 percent or 36.5 percent.
The main obstacles to radical tax reform
are conservative inertia, which is generally healthy, and progressive rapacity,
which is generally destructive. If we had no tax system at all and were looking to create one from
scratch, we probably wouldn’t settle on anything like the system we have. If I
were god-emperor for a day, we wouldn’t tax work or investment directly at all
but would instead rely on consumption taxes. We could fund the entirety of the
federal government with a VAT or a carbon tax, if we were starting from a blank
slate — but we aren’t.
Put another way, the main argument for
income taxes from a conservative point of view is that we already have them,
and they more or less work, whereas replacing them in toto with
a new and untried system is bound to bring about unintended consequences and
involve risks we had not accounted for. Conservatives are pulled in two
directions: in one by our skepticism of radical social change and in another by
our appreciation that the current tax code and overall fiscal practice is
seriously defective, which eventually will produce catastrophic consequences.
Democrats are pulled in two directions,
too: They are the party of people who say they want to tax the rich, but they
also increasingly are the party of the rich, from Wall Street to Silicon
Valley, and they emphatically do not want to raise taxes on their rich.
Our friends at the lefty ITEP are once
again on the case, noting that Democratic proposals to end
caps on state and local tax (SALT) deductions would undo almost all of the new
taxes on the rich in the Build Back Better bill. The SALT deduction
overwhelmingly benefits high-income people in high-tax states — which is to
say, the same Platinum Card progressives whose preferred tax burden is the $100
corkage at Quince.
There are lots of reasons not to
reformulate our taxes in such a way as to rely even more heavily
on the wealthy: a healthy sense of proportionality, the republican sense that
citizenship brings with it burdens and responsibilities as well as benefits and
privileges, political complications, etc. But in addition to the big economic
reason — that the fantasy progressive tax strategy is unlikely to realize the
promised benefits — there is the always-underappreciated matter of risk: The
more heavily concentrated the tax burden is on a few taxpayers, the more real
power those taxpayers have over a dependent political class and an unstable
political situation. It is politically difficult, but the best, reasonably
stable means of increasing tax revenue in a big way is increasing the tax base
— meaning higher taxes on everybody.
If that’s a price you are unwilling to
pay, then you aren’t serious about your progressive utopia. And that’s okay!
You shouldn’t be serious about it — it was never a good idea to begin with.
No comments:
Post a Comment