By Michael
Brendan Dougherty
Monday, October
11, 2021
Was January 6 an insurrection or a
hoax? The answer is obvious: Neither. But having set up this false choice,
really a choice of two falsities, one long-esteemed conservative writer and
editor would have us choose “hoax.” The narrative built around January 6 was
yet another piece in the long, lying resistance to Donald Trump and, by
extension, to the “deplorable” voters who put him in power. So argues
Roger Kimball.
Strangely, by the end of his essay, one
suspects that the author believed an armed insurrection might have been
justified. He predicts that historians “may well count the 2016 presidential
election as the last fair and open democratic election in U.S. history.” He
asserts that “every honest person knows that the 2020 election was tainted.”
And that it amounted to “the first oligarchic installation of a president.” Of
the man in whose name the vandalism of that day was committed, Kimball says,
“Trump’s critical flaw was a deficit in guile.”
It’s a perverse kind of compliment, given
the circumstances and context. It reminds me of Don McLean’s singing prettily
of Vincent van Gogh, “This world was never meant for one as beautiful as you.”
That line justifies a suicide. But at least McLean is right that van Gogh cared
for beauty. The antonyms of guile are “honesty” and “candor.” To try to justify
the events of January 6 with Trump’s deficit of guile is like playing a
Stradivarius with a Kitchen Aid hand-mixer. It’s not just an ugly sound, but
something like a deliberate provocation.
The ugly scenes on January 6 were caused,
I’d counter, by Donald Trump’s lies. If one searches for the political
motivation behind Ashli Babbitt’s death, it is not in the perfidy of intelligence
agencies and James Comey, but in what Donald Trump said about the election and
about our Constitution. He repeated these lies that very day to people who
would go on to disrupt Congress’s certification of the election and vandalize
the Capitol building.
Despite what Victor Davis
Hanson (among others) has said, National Review’s
editorial position was never that the January 6 riot was an “armed
insurrection.” And numerous National
Review contributors have consistently described the events of January
6 as a riot and a deep disgrace, not a coup. It was clear that very day that the rabble was
unarmed. Officer Sicknick, for instance, was not
killed by a MAGA lunatic who bashed him with a fire extinguisher; he died of
natural causes.
Nearly everything Kimball says about the
ongoing resistance to Trump is true. It was meretricious, hysterical, and
dangerous. Even before Trump won the election, I predicted the unprecedented
subterfuge that would probably be aimed at him
if he won the presidency. We saw the deep state as it really is: an ongoing
class warfare against the democratic peoples and their representatives whose
disruptions provide accountability. No one has to coordinate 50 former
intelligence agents to issue a statement denouncing the New York Post’s
Hunter Biden scoop as probable Russian disinformation, justifying suppression
of the story just days before the election. The deep-staters know how to do it.
Some of us have spent the better part of
the past two decades or longer arguing that conservatives should be more open
to a populist and working-class core of voters, the losers of globalization. We
have been arguing for putting “the forgotten man” at the heart of
conservatism’s concerns. We’ve argued for reexamining the effect of our trade
relationships on the American people themselves. We denounced the democracy
project in the Middle East and Afghanistan as a waste of blood and treasure. We
argued for getting control of our immigration system, and for immigration
limits and moratoriums in order to make America cohere again. It was thankless
work. And if we had known it was all to set the stage for opportunists and
recent converts to make their riches and fly their freak flags, perhaps we
wouldn’t have done it.
And now it’s time to be very firm. These
working-class causes deserve better than what Donald Trump gave them. They
deserve better than to be swallowed up by theories about Hugo Chávez
using voting
machines to elect Joe Biden. They
deserve better than to have their complaints about the self-serving American
political class displaced by the election-audit theatrics in Maricopa County,
Ariz., which ended up yielding more votes for Joe Biden anyway. They deserve
better than Lin Wood’s drawing little “Q’s” in the air.
After the election, the Trump campaign
produced no evidence of serious, election-altering fraud in any of the states
it wished to dispute. Instead, it proffered ever more bizarre legal theories.
And it culminated in the most plainly insane one, that Mike Pence had the
unilateral right to reject the electoral votes from Georgia, Arizona, and
several other states.
This theory was setting the Q-anon sites
ablaze in the days leading up to January 6. I know because I started following
that phenomenon and could see it leading to danger. As I wrote on the morning of January 6:
Right now,
the Q conspiracists — including President Trump — are setting up Mike Pence to
be the fall guy, the man who betrayed them, if Pence does his duty and
acknowledges the certified result of America’s democratic elections. How
cynical must the senators and congressmen supporting this farce be, to
participate in this effort?
Why can’t
these men content themselves with the awesome power and prestige of their
offices? Or more directly: Why can’t they just do the job we have paid them to
do?
Yet at the Stop the Steal rally on January
6, Donald Trump told the crowd, “If Mike Pence does the right thing, we win the
election. . . . All Vice President Pence has to do is send it back to the
states to recertify, and we become president, and you are the happiest people.”
This is bunk. Anyone who believes that
protecting the Constitution of the United States is one of the missions of
conservatism knows this theory to be bunk and knows that lies about the
Constitution from a sitting president can themselves be dangerous. I can’t
think of anything more disrespectful of Donald Trump than to call this a lack
of guile.
Even as the awful scenes of Capitol Hill
police being overwhelmed were on television, Trump sent out a tweet attacking
his vice president:
Mike Pence
didn’t have the courage to do what should have been done to protect our Country
and our Constitution, giving States a chance to certify a corrected set of
facts, not the fraudulent or inaccurate ones which they were asked to
previously certify. USA demands the truth!
According to the timeline of events as we
know them now, Trump sent out this tweet after Republican senator Tommy
Tuberville had informed him that Mike Pence had been evacuated. This warning
may not have explicitly included the security personnel’s assessment of the
danger that necessitated Pence’s evacuation, so Trump’s lawyers have claimed
that the president didn’t know Pence was in harm’s way. If you believe that,
maybe you can believe that Hugo Chávez runs elections in America.
We can all throw Trump the biggest pity
party in history about the subterfuge he faced within the executive branch. He
didn’t have the guts to clean house and make the government employees do their
jobs. In other words, he didn’t do the job he was elected to do. For a
president to take control of the executive branch, he must hire people he can
trust to run one of the largest organizations on earth. Trump couldn’t or
wouldn’t. Every account of the Trump White House’s operation tells us that
Trump trusted and respected no one who didn’t have the last name Trump or
Kushner. What his actions leading up to January 6 show us is that he didn’t
respect his followers, either.
It’s true that the riot on January 6 was
not a coup. It was not like the Civil War or Pearl Harbor or any other
milestone from an overheated historical analogy. And I don’t want applause from
people who think that it was. The Trumpers at the Capitol couldn’t have held on
to a public library or a Chick-fil-A if they had tried. And mostly the charges
that are being filed are exactly the kinds of charges leveled at other rioters
(unless they are BLM/Antifa, who largely get a pass from our DOJ): charges of vandalism
and trespassing.
But it was no hoax. This was a real
disgrace, it led to real death — that of an unarmed Trump supporter. And it was
caused by Donald Trump’s dishonesty. He abused the trust of his devoutest
supporters. He assembled them to “stop the steal” of an election that he must
know he lost, that he must’ve known he was liable to lose as he was running in
it. He endangered his vice president, other members of Congress, and his
supporters to protect his vanity.
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