By David Harsanyi
Tuesday, November 19, 2019
Say what you will about Donald Trump’s mercurial foreign
policy, his support for Israel has been resolute in ways that no other
president can match.
It was Trump who finally followed the law and recognized
Jerusalem as the capital of the Jewish state. Every president since 1995 — the
year the Jerusalem Embassy Act, which funds the relocation of the American
embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem and recognizes the city as the “undivided”
capital of Israel, was passed overwhelmingly in both the House and Senate — had
promised to move the embassy. None did.
It is probably Trump’s uniquely defiant disposition
toward group-thinking State Department types that made the move possible. It’s
difficult to imagine any of the other 2016 presidential hopefuls braving the
massive internal opposition such a decision would provoke. But Jerusalem proper
was never going to be the Palestinian capital, and it was about time everyone
involved dealt with reality.
It was also the Trump administration that finally
recognized Israel’s 1981 annexation of the Golan Heights, a strategically vital
strip of land from which Syria and her proxies have launched numerous wars,
bombings, and terror operations against Israeli civilians over the past 70
years. Many of the same experts who claimed to be utterly disgusted by the idea
of the U.S. ceding land in northern Syria were also grousing about how
counterproductive it was for the United States to unilaterally affirm that Israel
would control the Golan Heights. Well, Israel was never going to hand back this
land to the Assad regime, or negotiate with it, and it was about time everyone
accepted this reality.
And yesterday Secretary of State Mike Pompeo announced
that United States would no longer take the position that Israeli civilian
“settlements” in the West Bank are “inconsistent with international law.” (Or,
as our German ambassador Richard Grenell aptly put it, the United States would
“no longer meddle in local Israeli zoning and building-permits issues.”) Many
of those “settlements” — cities, really, some of them in existence for decades
— are part of a de facto border, and they are never going to be bulldozed.
That’s also reality.
It has always been a mistake for the United States to
treat disputed territories in the West Bank as occupied. For one thing, it was
impossible for Israel to “occupy” Palestinian territories because no
such nation has ever existed. Israel spilled much blood taking the West
Bank in self-defense from Jordan after that nation joined Egypt and Syria in
the attempted destruction of Israel in 1967. Even then, Jordan had no legal
claim to the territory. Israel offered 98 percent of the West Bank back right
after the 1967 war, and on numerous occasions afterward. It was always refused.
At the very least, U.S. policy treating Jews who returned
to their ancient homeland as occupiers should have been voided the day Israel
signed a peace treaty with Jordan in 1994. Because the much-talked-about United
Nations Security Council Resolution 242 does nothing to undermine the Jewish
claim, no matter how often it’s misrepresented by Israel’s antagonists. In it,
the U.N. established Israel’s legal right to negotiate a peace with defensible
borders with existing states. Resolution 242 doesn’t mention the word
“Palestinian” anywhere. Nowhere does the resolution call on Israel to withdraw
to the pre–Six-Day War lines. Nowhere does it stipulate that Judea and Samaria
should be Judenfrei.
As always, though, any decision that helps Israel is
framed by many in the media as an effort to weaken “Palestinian efforts to
achieve statehood.” This is myth. Fatah might have deluded its own people and
the world for decades, but there’s no conceivable peace deal that includes a
truly divided Jerusalem or a Right of Return or any indefensible border with a
Palestinian state. No sane nation would consent to the creation of an
antagonistic neighbor under those terms, much less allow the remnants of the
Palestine Liberation Organization and their on-and-off political partners Hamas
and their Iranian benefactors to set up shop. None of Trump’s moves undermine
peace. They simply clarify the contours of a realistic deal.
Most coverage also framed Pompeo’s announcement as a
Trump-administration assist to the embattled prime minister, Benjamin
Netanyahu. Perhaps it is. If so, it’s good work by Bibi. It’s important to
remember that both of Israel’s major parties and a wide majority of its
citizens have welcomed the Trump administration’s actions. Ninety-six out of
120 Knesset members were supportive of Pompeo’s announcement. At one time,
America’s Jewish community as well would have overwhelmingly supported these
moves.
Of course, the Trump administration’s new position
doesn’t mean that Israeli tanks will be rolling into the West Bank and annexing
Hebron, as hysterical progressives seem to believe. Israel has never eyed
appropriation of Arab population centers. It’s done everything it can to allow
responsible Arab self-governance. (Hey, when was the last election in the West
Bank?) What it does mean, as Pompeo clearly states, is that final-status
negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians will be predicated no longer
on a fantasy of “occupation” but rather on the reality of disputed land.
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