By Jonah Goldberg
Friday, April 06, 2018
Albert Jay Nock was one of the great editors of all time,
from a writer’s perspective. Or rather, from a good writer’s perspective.
As an editor, by his own admission he only brought two
things to the table: his nose for talent and not getting in the way. “I can
smell out talent as quickly and unerringly as a high-bred pointer can smell out
a partridge,” he boasted. And he defined the job of an editor as “to do
nothing, and [one] can’t set about it too soon or stick to it too faithfully.”
When he was running The
Freeman (the first one), a young writer came to look for writing
opportunities. The writer-on-the-make asked if Nock had any “sacred cows” that
could not be violated in Nock’s pages. “Yes,” he recounted in his memoir, “we
had three of them, as untouchable and sacred as the Ark of the Covenant.”
“‘The first one,’ I said, ‘is that
you must have a point. Second, you must make it out. The third one is that you
must make it out in eighteen-carat, impeccable, idiomatic English.’
“‘But is that all?’ the young man
countered.
“‘Isn’t it enough for you?’
“‘Why, yes, I suppose so, but I
mean, is that all the editorial policy you have?’ the young man asked
incredulously.
“‘As far as I know, it is,’ I said,
rising. ‘Now you run along home and write us a nice piece on the
irremissibility of post-baptismal sin, and if you can put it over those three
jumps, you will see it in print. Or if you would rather do something on a
national policy of strangling all the girl-babies at birth, you might do that —
glad to have it.’”
What Magazines Do
Now, I don’t bring this up because I think this is a
great way to run a magazine — or at least most magazines. I’m not even sure the
story’s true. The cape-wearing Nock was prone to theatricality and
embellishment. (According to lore, the only way to reach him outside of the
office was to leave a note under a specific rock in Central Park.) But let’s
talk about magazines for a moment.
I suppose it would be fun if there were one magazine out
there that subscribed to Nock’s Ark of the Covenant and nothing more. But as a
general rule, I think magazines — intellectual magazines — should have sacred cows, by which I mean they should have
commitments to things beyond simply good writing. This is certainly true for
ideologically oriented opinion magazines. National
Review will run opposing views on all manner of topics, but if you submit
your (un-Swiftian) piece on why America should embrace Marxism–Leninism or, for
that matter, why all baby girls should be strangled, you will probably be lucky
to get a polite rejection.
The New Republic
I grew up reading was eclectic, with in-house writers often at war with each
other in its pages. But it still had some sacred cows. The publisher was very
pro-Israel, so while good-faith criticism of Israeli policies often appeared in
its pages, you would never find an essay — no matter how well-written — calling
for the dissolution of the state of Israel. That’s not only fine with me; it’s
proper. Magazines, like Churchill’s pudding, need themes.
But here is the first important distinction I’d like to
make: Editors or owners should have absolute authority to control what appears
in the pages of their magazines. How they exercise that authority, i.e., how
much orthodoxy they want to impose or how much free-for-all they want to encourage,
is a prudential question (and one I often have strong opinions about).
What editors should not have any control over is what their writers are allowed to think.
Kevin Williamson,
Thought Criminal
Which brings me to my friend Kevin Williamson, who was
fired from his new job at The Atlantic
almost before he could figure out how to work the coffee machine. Ironically,
he was hired for the same reason he was fired. He has strong opinions and he
expresses them very well. Jeffrey Goldberg (no relation) courageously hired
Kevin because he wants his magazine to be a public square for different points
of view. Goldberg is also fascinated with “homeless conservatives” in the era
of Trump. Kevin is a critic of the president — even more so than me. He is also
fluent in cultural idioms that few elite journalists have the foggiest
acquaintance with, by virtue of his humble origins and peripatetic career.
Goldberg rightly believed Kevin’s voice would enrich and enliven the pages of The Atlantic (which, by the way, I still
think is an excellent magazine, for now).
The Woke Mob thought otherwise from the get-go, as they
always do in these circumstances. Indeed, before we talk about the specifics of
Kevin’s situation, it must be pointed out that whenever a conservative or
libertarian is hired outside the conservative ghetto, the response is like that
of Dutch Dominicans watching Napoleon’s forces convert their church into a
horse barn. The excuses for why this or that writer is unacceptably extreme
vary with the writer. But the reaction is always the same, if not in degree
then in form.
Some writers make the mob’s job easier than others, of
course.
Kevin’s Sin
Kevin has said, sardonically, not sincerely, that women
who have had abortions should be hanged. The usual gremlins of the lefty
Internet took his comments out of context, which is kind of amusing because in
this case you’d think his actual position would have done the trick.
As Kevin explains here, he
is generally hostile to capital punishment, retroactive punishment, and
lynching altogether. His point is that abortion is the taking of a life and
should thus be treated under the law as such. You can agree or disagree with
that position, on moral, practical, or legal grounds. I disagree with Kevin on
all three grounds to some extent, even though I am what you might call mostly pro-life (I know, I know, but we
can argue about all that another day). I am fairly sure that most of the people
at National Review disagree — again,
to varying degrees — with Kevin on this as well.
But here’s the thing: He never made that argument for National Review. I suppose I could find
out if he tried and was turned down, but that’s beside the point. The point is
that Rich Lowry, or, more relevant, Jeffrey Goldberg, would be entirely within
his rights to reject any attempt by Kevin to make that argument in the pages of
National Review or The Atlantic (and Kevin would be in his
rights to quit over it, though I doubt he would). But there was no chance to
test this because Kevin was fired for
what he thinks. There were writers at the old New Republic who had unacceptably harsh views of Israel, but they
weren’t fired for it. There are writers at National
Review who are pro-choice, but they aren’t fired for it. They just don’t
typically make that case in our pages. There are writers at every magazine out
there who believe things they wouldn’t pitch to their editors. And that’s not
merely normal; it’s fine.
Everyone has opinions, but opinion writers are paid to
have them. As far as I can tell, most opinion writers don’t have very
interesting opinions. They see their job as articulating what their audience
already believes or what their editors want to hear. That’s not Kevin.
Benda’s America
And that brings me back to Albert Jay Nock. He was second
only to H.L. Mencken in the pantheon of America’s “superfluous men,” a Russian
literary term Nock adopted to describe himself. The superfluous men were a
diverse bunch intellectually — that was one of the reasons they were
superfluous. What united them was their refusal to cave in to the rise of mass
politics and mass society in the early decades of the 20th century. They stood
athwart history, to borrow a phrase from Nock protégé William F. Buckley,
objecting to both the petty and profound tyrannies of mind, body, and society
of the elites as well as the entitled demands of the masses (or, as Mencken
called them, the “booboisie.”).
My favorite of their number, other than Nock himself,
isn’t usually counted among them (because he wasn’t American): Julien Benda.
Benda articulated the underlying philosophical problems of the age better than
any of them, decrying the rise of nationalism, populism, and the corruption of
the intellectual classes who saw it as their job to cater to the passions of
the masses.
“Our age,” Julien Benda wrote in The Treason of the Intellectuals, “is indeed the age of the
intellectual organization of political hatreds.” He continued: “Those who for
centuries had exhorted men, at least theoretically, to deaden the feeling of
their differences. . . have now come to praise them. . . be it ‘fidelity to the
French soul,’ ‘the immutability of their German consciousness,’ [or] for the
‘fervor of their Italian hearts.’” The Christianity which proclaimed in
Galatians, “there is neither Greek nor Jew nor Barbarian, but Christ is in all
things,” gave way to the Aryans and Socialists alike who proclaimed Jesus their
blue-eyed savior or the “first socialist.”
We live in such a moment today, for reasons I explain at
length here.
Many smart and thoughtful liberals — and I count Jeffrey Goldberg, Yascha
Mounk, and many others in their number — are quite adept at seeing half this
picture. Where they struggle is in seeing it on their own side. To pick one
relevant example, I think The Atlantic’s
Ta-Nehisi Coates is a brilliant and talented writer, but it’s difficult for me
not to see him as part of the “intellectual
organization of political hatreds.”
More to the point, as I tried to explain here
recently, our culture’s problems are dialectical. For instance, the other day,
EJ Dionne praised a piece by Ramesh and me on the need to criticize Trump. I
responded:
My tweet elicited a torrent of question-begging,
self-righteous bilge from liberals who couldn’t imagine that liberals have any
role in the mess that we are in. Assaults on free speech, the constant mockery
and condescension from the commanding heights of Blue America, the refusal to
consider any reasonable reforms to immigration, Hillary Clinton’s dynastic
entitlement and contempt for “deplorables,” and the pushing of identity
politics seem always to be noble do-goodery without a smidgen of overreach.
Michael Anton, who penned “The Flight 93 Election” back
when he was hiding behind a pen-name, articulated very well in an exchange with
me what millions of conservatives believe to be true:
The old American ideal of judging
individuals and not groups, content-of-character-not-color-of-skin, is dead,
dead, dead. Dead as a matter of politics, policy and culture. The left plays by
new rules. The right still plays by the old rules. The left laughs at us for it
— but also demands that we keep to that rulebook. They don’t even bother to
cheat. They proclaim outright that “these rules don’t apply to our side.”
I disagree with Anton’s prescription — to surrender to
identity politics and cheat the way our “enemies” do — but I cannot argue much
with this description of a widespread mindset. Many on the right are
surrendering to the logic of the mob because they are sick of double standards.
Again, I disagree with the decision to surrender, but I certainly empathize
with the temptation. The Left and the mainstream media can’t even see how they
don’t want to simply win, they want to force
people to celebrate their victories (“You will be made to care!”). It isn’t
forced conversion at the tip of a sword, but at the blunt edge of a virtual
mob.
Strangle the
Newborns
I could go on for another 2,000 words about all of the
double standards I have in mind. But let’s stick with the subject at hand:
Kevin Williamson’s views on abortion put him outside the mainstream. And he was
fired from The Atlantic merely for
refusing to recant them.
Meanwhile, extreme views on the left are simply hot takes
or even signs of genius. Take the philosopher Peter Singer. He has at least as
extreme views on a host of issues, and he is feted and celebrated for them. He
is the author of the Encyclopedia
Britannica’s entry on “Ethics.” He holds an endowed chair at Princeton. He
writes regularly for leading publications. And he argues that sometimes it’s
okay to kill babies, as in his essay “Killing Babies Isn’t Always Wrong.”
“Newborn human babies,” he writes, “have no sense of their own existence over
time. So killing a newborn baby is never equivalent to killing a person, that
is, a being who wants to go on living.” He cutely asks whether people should
cease to exist. (He ultimately and grudgingly answers “No.”) Oh, he also argues
in favor of bestiality.
And he’s been profiled favorably in the pages of The Atlantic.
And that’s okay. I can’t stand his utilitarian
logic-chopping and nihilistic view of humanity, but at least going by Nock’s
Ark of the Covenant rules, he should be free to make his arguments anywhere
willing editors want to publish them. We have a right to be wrong.
But that’s not the point: Singer’s work does not render
him anathema in elite circles, it earns awards, praise, and celebration for its
ruthless consistency and edgy provocation. He is not fired for what he writes never mind what he thinks. I have no doubt some people
don’t think this is a perfect example of a double standard, and I could come up
with some objections to it myself. But if you can’t see why some people —
fellow American citizens — see it as a glaring double standard, you are part of the problem.
Kevin was hired by The
Atlantic because he is among the best of the homeless conservatives in the
Trump Era. That’s why Bret Stephens went to the New York Times, and it’s probably why I’ve gotten my share of
strange new respect from some liberals. But what Goldberg — or his boss — and
countless others fail to appreciate, I think, is that the Trump Era is merely
one facet of the larger age of tribalism that we live in. In an age when
evangelical Christians and constitutional conservatives can overlook the sins
of a Roy Moore, it’s easy to see how people could mistake a Trump critic as a
useful voice in their chorus. But Kevin isn’t one of them. He sings from his
own hymnal and he stands athwart the tribalisms of Trumpism and the tribalisms that
gave us Trump. He is in The Remnant (which Nock described in, of all places, The Atlantic). And I am honored to be a
happy warrior by his side, hopefully at National
Review once again.
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