By Rich Lowry
Friday, April 27, 2018
There is a lawlessness rampant in the land, but it isn’t
emanating from the Trump administration.
The source is federal judges who are making a mockery of
their profession by twisting the law to block the Trump administration’s
immigration priorities.
If the judges get their way, there will, in effect, be
two sets of law in America — one for President Donald Trump and one for
everyone else.
In this dispensation, other presidents, especially
Democratic presidents, get a pen and a phone. Trump gets a judicial veto — even
when he is simply trying to undo the unilateral moves of his predecessor.
This is the clear implication of the latest decision
against Trump’s rollback of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program.
U.S. District Court Judge John Bates in the District of Columbia held that
Trump’s decision was “arbitrary and capricious.” If nothing else, the judge is
an expert on arbitrariness. He would force the administration to begin granting
new DACA permits if it doesn’t explain to his satisfaction the decision to end
the program.
This would make some sense if Trump were stretching to
defy a legal regime duly passed by Congress. He is not. That is what President
Barack Obama did.
Because Congress declined to pass the DREAM Act, Obama
implemented a version on his own. He justified DACA as prosecutorial discretion
and to this day denies that he rewrote the laws. But if that is true — and it’s
the only legal defense of DACA — there is nothing to stop Trump from reversing
it via his own pen and phone.
Prosecutorial discretion must work both ways, or the law
is a ratchet always working against immigration enforcement.
Especially given how Obama’s defense of DACA as
prosecutorial discretion was a transparent rationalization. It wasn’t as though
immigration authorities were coming across so-called Dreamers during traffic
stops and deciding that pursuing removal would be a poor use of time and
resources.
No, DACA set up a shadow immigration system outside of
and in defiance of congressional enactments. This is why DACA’s sister program,
DAPA, which would have applied to a wider population of illegal immigrants, was
rightly blocked in the courts.
All the same arguments that sank DAPA should apply to
DACA, but once Trump is part of the equation, all the rules change. Bates wants
to hear a more extensive argument from the administration on why DACA is
illegal. More to the point is the fact that there isn’t any remotely plausible
case that it is unlawful to apply the law to illegal immigrants.
Obama himself long maintained that he lacked the
authority to issue a unilateral amnesty for Dreamers. We’ve gone from everyone
assuming that the president can’t act in defiance of the immigration laws to
judges insisting that a president must
act in defiance of the immigration laws.
Books have been written about the coming descent of the
U.S. into fascism, but evidently no one who promotes or buys these tomes cares
about the black letter of the law, at least not when it doesn’t suit their
political interests.
The complaints on the right, meanwhile, about an
unelected deep state trying to destroy the president are overdone. Yet here is
an unelected branch of government overstepping its constitutional bounds to
frustrate a core priority of a president who ran and won on the issue of
immigration. This is corrosive of faith in our system, counter to the rule of
law, and sophomoric on the part of men and women who are supposed to be neutral
arbiters of justice.
The saving grace of the judiciary is that the Supreme
Court, as of now, takes its responsibility more seriously. The oral arguments
suggest that the court will, despite absurd rulings below, uphold Trump’s travel
ban.
This is something, but it doesn’t remove the shame of
those judges who, when it comes to Trump, substitute the logic of #resistance
for common sense and the law.
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