National Review Online
Thursday, June 16, 2016
Jason Chaffetz wants to impeach IRS Commissioner John
Koskinen. Orrin Hatch doesn’t want him to. Chaffetz is in the right this time.
Koskinen is not the central figure in the IRS scandal,
which found the federal tax agency being used to harass and bully conservative
organizations in the run-up to the 2012 election. But he is a culpable figure.
Specifically, it was under his watch that hundreds of backup tapes containing
tens of thousands of e-mails — e-mails that were under congressional subpoena —
were illegally destroyed, inhibiting investigation into the agency’s
wrongdoing.
The intentional destruction of evidence under subpoena is
a crime, and a serious one. The House Oversight and Government Reform Committee
has voted 23 –15 for a bill that would officially censure Koskinen, who was IRS
commissioner when that evidence was illegally destroyed, and demand his
resignation or removal, as well as the forfeiture of his pension.
Representative Chaffetz has made it clear that if removing Koskinen requires
impeaching him, then that is what Republicans will pursue. Indeed, the House
Judiciary Committee already is considering impeachment.
We would do well to remember just how outrageous the
IRS’s actions in this matter were. Conservative organizations, particularly
those with tea-party leanings, were singled out by the IRS and subjected to an
extraordinary degree of scrutiny on everything from the political ambitions of
their donors (and their donors’ family members) to — hard as it is to believe —
the contents of their prayers. IRS officials misled and stonewalled Congress
and federal investigators. This harassment happened after Democratic grandees
including Chuck Schumer and Max Baucus demanded that the IRS investigate
tea-party organizations and other entities on the Democrats’ enemies list. It
was a pure political witch hunt and a gross, criminal misuse of one of the
federal government’s most fearsome agencies.
The IRS’s strategy was the stuff of banana republics:
Organizations that were critical of the president’s signature health-care law
were to be targeted, as were those making statements critical of the general
direction of government under the Obama administration. Those with “tea party”
or “9/12” in their names (the latter refers to groups associated with
conservative broadcaster Glenn Beck) were to be targeted. Hundreds of such
organizations were subjected to improper harassment and invasive requests for
financial and political information.
At the same time this information was being demanded, the
IRS was improperly and illegally leaking confidential tax information about
conservative groups, most prominently the National Organization for Marriage
(NOM), in order to facilitate retribution against donors and supporters. The
IRS later was forced to pay a settlement to NOM in the case, but the damage was
done.
High-ranking IRS officials were aware of the targeting,
and not only took no action to stop it but went to some length to cover up
their wrongdoing. Hard drives mysteriously crashed, computers went missing or
were destroyed, BlackBerrys were dismantled. More than a dozen IRS officials
under investigation experienced inexplicable technical problems that destroyed
evidence sought by investigators. The backup tapes were the final hope for
getting real answers on what ABC’s Terry Moran, not exactly a card-carrying
member of the vast right-wing conspiracy, called “a truly Nixonian abuse of
power by the Obama administration.”
John Koskinen was not commissioner for all of that time.
But he was commissioner at the critical moment when the tapes were destroyed.
Under President Obama’s watch, the Justice Department has
done almost nothing to pursue this matter, even going so far as to refuse to
seek to recover evidence that is “too hard” to get at, deep in the bowels of
the federal electronic archives. That leaves Congress, which has at its
disposal only a few tools.
Impeachment rarely is the right answer to such a dispute,
but in this case it is — since prison isn’t a practical option.
Senator Orrin Hatch, chairman of the Senate Finance
Committee, has made it known that he does not support impeaching Commissioner
Koskinen, owing to the difficulty in winning the two-thirds Senate
supermajority required for conviction and to his doubt as to whether Koskinen
has committed “an impeachable offense,” and that presents a barrier to action.
But he is wrong and should relent: A weaponized IRS put to partisan political
ends constitutes an unbearable assault on American democracy and undermines the
very institutions of government itself. It cannot be allowed to go unanswered.
John Koskinen has got to go, voluntarily or not.
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