By Rachael Larimore
Thursday, June 16, 2016
It’s like clockwork. Sick, twisted clockwork. A mass
shooting happens. There is a flurry of confusing reports. A death toll is
announced, a shooter identified. And then, even before the crime scene is
cleaned up, come the pleas for gun control.
The urge is understandable. In the wake of the Orlando,
Florida, shootings (as with San Bernardino, California, before that, and Umpqua
Community College before that, and Charleston, South Carolina, before that),
it’s impossible to read about the victims, about the joint funeral planned for
Juan Ramon Guerrero and his partner Drew Leinonen, and not feel a horrible
combination of sadness and outrage and a wish to do something.
But you already know how this will play out. Gun-control
advocates and their allies in the media will attack the gun-rights crowd as
cold-hearted, stubborn, and out of touch. They will complain that no new
legislation will result from the tragedy, and they will be right.
There are many reasons that this cycle repeats as it
does. We live in a divided society where people cocoon with like-minded allies,
and we’ve stopped listening to the other side. The NRA is powerful. We get
distracted and move on to the next shiny thing. But one important point: The
mainstream media lobbies hard for gun control, but it is very, very bad at gun
journalism. It might be impossible ever to bridge the divide between the
gun-control and gun-rights movements. But it’s impossible to start a dialogue
when you don’t know what the hell you are talking about.
Media stories in the wake of mass shootings typically
feature a laundry list of mistakes that reflect their writers’ inexperience
with guns and gun culture. Some of them are small but telling: conflating
automatic and semi-automatic weapons, assault
rifle and assault weapon, caliber
and gauge—all demonstrating a general lack of familiarity with firearms. Some
of them are bigger. Like calling for “common-sense gun control” and “universal
background checks” after instances in which a shooter purchased a gun legally
and passed background checks. Or focusing on mass shootings involving assault
weapons—and thereby ignoring statistics that show that far more people die from
handguns.
Considering that a quick online search should provide all
the information journalists need to get this right, it’s amazing that
journalists don’t know the difference between an assault rifle and an assault
weapon. An assault rifle is a fully automatic weapon that can fire multiple
rounds with a single pull of the trigger, up to 950 rounds per minute. An
assault weapon is a semi-automatic gun that can accept detachable magazines and
has a pistol grip and foldable stock (to increase the gun’s length). The term assault weapon itself, of disputed
origin, is a thorn in the side of gun enthusiasts, who point out that the
differences between “assault weapons” and other semi-automatics are largely
cosmetic and don’t increase the gun’s lethality.
It’s a little surprising that Mother Jones conflated the two in its Orlando coverage. The
magazine tends to be scrupulously sober-minded about guns; its database of mass
shootings is thorough and resists the urge to inflate fearmongering statistics.
Less surprising, perhaps, are Rolling
Stone’s errors. The magazine’s claim that it’s easier to get an assault
rifle than an abortion is particularly egregious, since assault rifles are
regulated by the National Firearms Act of 1934 and require a lengthy permit
process that is handled by the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and
Explosives. Do you want an M16, the military version of the AR-15? Expect a
wait of seven
to eleven months.
Perhaps out of increased frustration at the inability to
pass new anti-gun legislation, some have called, sometimes sarcastically, for
the Second Amendment to guarantee your right to bear a musket, which was a
common weapon at the time of the amendment’s ratification in the late 1700s.
Muskets could fire single shots or a “cluster” shot with multiple projectiles,
but they had to be reloaded after every firing.
In the Washington
Post this week, Eugene Robinson wrote, “When the framers wrote of ‘arms,’ they were thinking about muskets and
single-shot pistols. They could not have foreseen modern rifles or
high-capacity magazines.” A few problems with this. First, gun enthusiasts will
be only too happy to educate you on the existence of the Girandoni air rifle,
which dates back to 1779, 12 years before the Second Amendment was ratified. It
used compressed air, not gunpowder, and could hold 20 bullets at once. Lewis
and Clark had one with them when Thomas Jefferson sent them out to explore the
West. Second, we can argue all day about what the Framers—all now dead for 200
years or so—intended with the Second Amendment. But it seems disingenuous to
argue that, in crafting a document that has largely served us well for more
than 220 years, they couldn’t imagine improvements in gun technology.
Much ado has been made of the fact that initial reports
out of Orlando said that the shooter used an AR-15-type rifle, whereas it has
since been announced that he used a Sig Sauer MCX. This is less an indication
of ignorance on the part of the media (for one thing, it is how Orlando police
described the weapon) than an example of the confusion common in the immediate
aftermath of a major breaking story. To someone who doesn’t own a lot of guns,
it’s not a big deal. Like mixing up Coke and Pepsi, Toyota and Honda. Both
rifles shoot .223-caliber ammunition and, as the Washington Post writes in a piece comparing the two, are designed
to provide “a highly portable, customizable, easy to operate and accurate rifle
for the individual who possesses it.” I suspect that the conflation rankles
gun-rights advocates because gun opponents have held up the AR-15 as the poster
child of the gun violence problem and so use the term as a convenient
shorthand.
That gun writers crow when the media makes mistakes like
this indicates how little regard there is for the media from the pro-gun
community. There are several ways the media can remedy this situation. For
starters, treat guns like any other beat (as the Guardian has done with Lois Beckett). Media outlets tend not to
send sports writers to cover the Supreme Court or style writers to cover a
murder. Ignorance undermines authority. If you want to report on guns, you need
to understand the differences between various weapons and how they are used.
Spend time at a shooting range and learn how to fire a gun. Be able to interview
an NRA member without scorn or derision.
News outlets make a lot of noise about diversity. They
should apply a more holistic definition. Yes, the industry should strive for
inclusiveness in gender and race and ethnicity. But it also needs more geographical,
socioeconomic, and ideological diversity. Employ writers who, if not gun
enthusiasts themselves, grew up in a place where hunting was a normal part of
life.
Provide a broader range of gun coverage. As long as the
media sensationalizes mass shootings, statistics will not be on their side, and
gun-rights supporters know this. Such events are so horrific that it makes it
easy to appeal to people’s emotions. But statistically, they are very rare.
Exploiting these tragedies, calling semi-automatic rifles “weapons of war” and
the “weapon of choice” for mass shooters is a conversation-ender with pro-gun
types. It’s much harder to write about the gun violence in inner cities, like
Chicago. You’re dealing with systemic problems far beyond guns. But ignoring
the wider violence creates the impression that the media cares only about
rifles and mass shootings.
If the media wants to work toward actual solutions for
gun violence, to do right by the people who are senselessly murdered, they need
more than righteous indignation. They need to be better informed and more
willing to engage honestly with their opponents.
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