By Matthijs Tieleman
Friday, May 20, 2016
Former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger famously
asked: “Who do I call if I want to speak to Europe?” Kissinger’s question
describes the confusion and frustration of many Americans with the multitude of
European nations.
After the terrorist attacks in Brussels, the media filled
the airwaves with the incompetence of European security services and the
problems of the open borders within the Schengen area. Particularly European
elites share America’s frustrations. For many European elites and Americans,
the answer to this problem is simple: a federal Europe, modeled on the United
States.
Many in Europe do not share the optimism of the elites.
The recent rejection in the Netherlands of the European Union (EU) association
treaty with Ukraine, the close race in this summer’s Brexit referendum, and the
rise and sustained presence of anti-EU parties all over Europe prove popular
distrust and dissatisfaction with the European Union.
Challenges to its capacities and legitimacy poses a
problem for the EU. As John Daniel Davidson argued, the EU must decide whether
it is a state. To answer this conundrum, perhaps it is time to turn to men who
already framed a union out of a loose confederation: the framers of the United
States Constitution.
Ask the American
Founders
Like Americans in the 1780s, European leaders today face
an increasing security problem and a growing debt, but a lack of political
power to solve it. The European Union has claimed in various stages to be a
legitimate government, while few have taken its claims seriously. When the
European Union is arbiter in a dispute or attempts to solve a problem, very few
actually abide by the agreements made, if the agreements would solve the
problem at all.
The United States faced similar issues in the 1780s. In
the “Federalist Papers,” Alexander Hamilton argued a federal constitution is
necessary, because of the “unequivocal experience of the inefficiency of the
subsisting federal government.” Like its contemporary European counterparts,
Hamilton and many of his contemporaries thought the Articles of Confederation
that held the United States together during the Revolutionary War were too weak
to pay for the war debt and to provide for a strong defense against European
empires.
The biggest problem the Framers faced was the issue of
political factions in the federal government, comparable to “the curse of
nationalism” EU officials try to cope with. Steeped in classical and
Enlightenment political theory, the Framers knew factionalism eventually would
destroy republics from within. Alexander Hamilton and James Madison argued in
Federalist No. 9 and 10 that “a firm Union will be of the utmost moment to the
peace and liberty of the States, as a barrier against domestic faction and
insurrection.”
Madison argued factionalism was inevitable as long as men
are free, and that therefore the size of the republic must help control these
erroneous effects of factionalism, both geographically and demographically.
When you create a large republic, Madison stated, “you make it less probable
that a majority of the whole will have a common motive to invade the rights of
other citizens.” In other words, the larger the republic, the fewer factions
exist, which thus preserves the liberty of its citizens.
Additionally, the Framers thought rightfully that the
federal government would be more capable of paying off the war debt and
providing for a common defense. Particularly Hamilton argued that a country
without common defense or able to pay off its debts is, to paraphrase Ronald
Reagan, “no country at all.”
Europe Doesn’t
Have a Common Cause and Culture
At the face of it, a strong central government seems an
easy solution to the European Union’s problems. Organize a constitutional
convention of all the elected leaders of Europe, create a balanced republican
constitution, and Europe will no longer have a debt problem and can fight
terrorism and Russia side by side.
Indeed, the European Union already pretends this
centralized, federal system exists and, where it does not work, that more
centralization should be implemented. EU parliamentarian and former prime
minster of Belgium Guy Verhofstadt argues in his latest book “De ziekte van
Europa” (“The Disease of Europe”) that decision-making in the European Union is
too slow to solve past, current, and future problems and that centralization
based on a federal model is the cure for this disease.
But, unlike Verhofstadt and EU officials, the Framers of
the Constitution understood the difficulty of creating a large political union.
The Framers argued that the United States was suited for a strong union because
it was a connected and relatively homogenous nation, geographically and in
spirit. A federal government would function properly because of homogeneity of
language, devotion to liberty, a common history, and because, as John Jay put
it, the Americans sought a united government in the revolutionary war when
“their habitations were in flames, [and] when many of their citizens were
bleeding.”
Probably the only commonality all Europeans share is that
its peoples strongly resisted unification for centuries and still refuse to
unify. Elite unification projects, such as those of Charlemagne, Napoleon, Nazi
Germany, and the current European Union, all ended in failure and, more
importantly, death and destruction.
The European Union likes to take credit for the decades
of peace in Europe after World War II, while it was obviously the protective
umbrella of the United States and the NATO alliance that kept western Europe
safe. In fact, contemporary social unrest in Europe can be attributed to
European Union failures, such as an inadequate protection of its borders,
disastrous fiscal policies, and unnecessary expansion. Greece had a proven
dysfunctional economy and financial system for decades, but only when it joined
the Eurozone did this start to have significant consequences in the euro—and
refugee crises. Increased ambitions and centralization of the European Union
made things worse, not better.
European leaders should heed the warnings of the Framers
and the failures of centralization in Europe’s past. Whether European and
American elites like it or not, Europe is a diverse continent with different
peoples, an enormous variety of languages, cultures, and even entirely
different alphabets. As the Framers realized, a country is most safe and free
when it creates and maintains a political system that reflects the realities of
the country’s culture and history. The elitist, hopelessly idealist European
Union, however, does not reflect any European reality.
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