By David French
Thursday, October 15, 2015
In a morally sane world, the headlines accompanying the
latest leak of classified information about America’s drone war would read
something like this: “Leaked Documents Demonstrate American Military Takes
Unprecedented Care to Avoid Civilian Casualties.” Or: “American Drone Targeting
More Deliberate Than Any Targeting System in History of Warfare.” Instead,
we’re given a story called “The Assassination Complex,” which relentlessly
attacks American military efforts against the Taliban, al-Qaeda, and other
jihadists mainly because it can’t guarantee both
due process and omniscience.
The story condemns the American military and the CIA for
acting as judge, jury, and executioner while neglecting to mention that every military acts as judge, jury, and
executioner. Most militaries, however, are less careful than ours. Further, the
story (and associated additional essays) hammer home the point that we’re
rarely certain that we are killing targeted terrorists and only targeted
terrorists when we strike. Yet the authors can’t point to a single military
campaign in human history where such certainty was possible.
Instead, we’re treated to inane, ignorant moralizing from
the person who leaked classified information (referred to as “the source”).
Here’s his justification for leaking highly classified information to the
press:
This outrageous
explosion of watchlisting — of monitoring people and racking and stacking them
on lists, assigning them numbers, assigning them “baseball cards,” assigning
them death sentences without notice, on a worldwide battlefield — it was, from
the very first instance, wrong.
It’s hard to believe that our nation entrusted defense
secrets to a person captured by such vacuous, dorm-room morality. Yet we did.
And so we’re left with having to engage in a dumbed-down argument about the
most basic moral concepts in the law of war. So, here goes.
Dear Mr. Source, the process of “watchlisting,” of
“assigning numbers,” and of creating targeting cards is a process that is
designed to make the waging of war as precise as possible. Previous iterations
of counterinsurgency could — and did — mean that when insurgents or terrorists
hid in civilian populations, air forces would engage in area bombing and
strafing operations to strike entire villages and towns. (See, for example, the
British suppression of the Iraqi revolt of 1920.) Previous iterations of
counterinsurgency called for area-wide sweeps and the establishment of camps to
house the civilian population to further isolate them from insurgents and
deprive insurgents of reinforcements. (See, for example, the Second Boer War.)
Rather than applaud the decisive American move away from
blunt, brute force, Mr. Source, you and your hard-Left friends have labeled as
“assassination” what is in reality an attempt at unprecedented precision in
both aerial and ground combat. The United States does actually attempt to kill
terrorists and only terrorists when it strikes — which is why (as you freely
admit in your article) we will sometimes monitor individual targets for months
and years.
Mr. Source, without your arbitrary labels and childish
morality, your story would be quite boring. You’re breaking the news that
America works very hard to use signals intelligence to locate targets, tracks
those targets wherever they are in the world, and then does its best to kill
its enemies with minimal collateral damage. To the extent there’s meaningful
controversy, it’s whether those attacks are best undertaken by drones or by
special forces — whether we need more boots on the ground, not fewer, to
increase the effectiveness of our human intelligence and diminish our reliance
on signals intelligence. We’ve known all this for years, and it was hardly
worth the massive security breach to simply reconfirm the facts.
But sadly, your childish morality rules you, and you
actually seem to believe that when terrorists commanders violate the laws of
war by refusing to wear distinctive uniforms and by hiding in civilian areas,
America bears the entire burden of proving their identity, location, and guilt.
In other words, the greater the level of lawlessness by our enemy, the greater
the legal responsibility on the part of America. It’s not enough to do our
best. We now have to do the impossible – engage the enemy not as terrorists
capable of inflicting military-scale damage on our nation and our army in the
field, but rather as criminal suspects entitled to due process.
There is certainly room for a robust discussion and
debate on the military effectiveness of America’s drone war, and to the extent
that the story is helpful or useful, it shows that boots on the ground and
human intelligence are likely more effective than primary reliance on aerial campaigns
and signals intelligence. Yet applying this knowledge to policy means a greater
American commitment to direct combat, greater risk to American soldiers, and
greater potential civilian casualties, as ground combat can easily escalate
into generalized engagements in built-up urban areas. (See, for example, the
Battle of Mogadishu.)
There is less room for debate, however, on whether our
unprecedented level of care and unprecedented level of precision is immoral or
unlawful because it’s not precise enough
– because it cannot do the impossible. The report purports to “lay bare the
normalization of assassination as a central component of U.S. counterterrorism
policy.” In plain English that means that we’ve “normalized” an attempt to wage
war with extreme precision.
Unlike most pundits who opine on the drone war, I’ve
helped facilitate both drone operations and boots-on-the-ground raids. I’ve
seen the possibilities and limits of aerial attacks, and I’ve seen the dangers
of ground operations. I’ve seen operations succeed and fail. I’ve agonized over
civilian casualties, and I’ve seen American soldiers do their best – including
risking their own lives – to protect the innocent. Terrorists, by contrast,
revel in brutality, do their best to kill women and children, and hide even
among their own family members. Yet according to “the source,” those are the
men who’ve been wronged by the United States. Those are the men who deserve
ever greater legal protection. To the hard Left, the United States carries the
burden of an impossible morality, the enemy enjoys the benefits of lawless
freedom, and the one true constant is that when people die, America shoulders
the blame.
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