National
Review Online
Monday,
May 15, 2023
Joe
Biden is musing aloud about violating his oath of office and seizing
powers not granted him by the Constitution in order to avoid negotiating with
the House of Representatives. This is a shameful way for the president of a
constitutional republic to act.
The so-called
14th Amendment option — to have the president issue debt not approved by
Congress — doesn’t actually exist. Until 2023, nobody in the
executive branch has ever pretended that it does. “I have talked to my lawyers,” Barack
Obama said in 2011, and “they are not
persuaded that that is a winning argument.” Left-leaning legal scholars such as
Laurence Tribe once agreed. Nothing has changed but the intensity of
partisanship.
The
Constitution is quite explicit: Congress, and only Congress, has
the power “to borrow Money on the credit of the United States.” Congress, and
only Congress, has the power to raise revenue, and all bills to do so must
start in the House. The Framers were quite open in designing this system to
give Congress the power of the purse so that it could bring the executive to
heel.
Section
Four of the 14th Amendment, designed to ensure the repayment of Civil War debts
even over Southern objections, barred the federal government from repudiating
its existing debts. But it did not, explicitly or implicitly, change the
allocation of power to issue new debt. At the time, new issuances of debt were
approved one at a time by Congress. The so-called debt ceiling instituted
during the World War I is not a limit but a congressional grant of power to the
Treasury to issue a certain amount of new debt, with discretion over time and
terms. But once that new debt is exhausted, there is simply no authority in the
executive branch to borrow more.
Why is
the president openly mulling seizing power from Congress? Because Biden has, as
usual, let the progressives who dominate his party box him into a corner from
which the only exit is to flout the law.
It
has long been the
practice of
presidents and Congresses of both parties to negotiate conditions before
Congress raises the debt ceiling. But after the showdown between
congressional Republicans and President Obama in 2011, progressives decided
that their party should henceforth refuse to negotiate and instead insist on
principle on “clean” debt-ceiling raises, with no fallback position. The 2013
debt-ceiling fight reinforced their view that this was a workable strategy.
Biden and Democratic leaders in Congress have thus talked themselves into
Stalingrad-style “not one step backward” pronouncements against making even a
penny of concessions.
Republicans
have proven more flexible, passing a debt-ceiling increase through the House
with enough attached that there is ample room to negotiate. Kevin McCarthy
hasn’t publicly indicated what his bottom line is, but he plainly can’t get his
caucus to sign a deal in which Republicans are supposed to get nothing and like
it.
This can
end only with one side blinking — either the Democrats will make concessions or
the Republicans will fold — or with the government going into default for the
first time in American history. Nobody wants that. Biden insists that a default
would somehow be the fault of Republicans, but he could avoid it by signing the
package they passed. He could propose his own counteroffer, but he hasn’t. The
president is the one who hasn’t offered anything and is claiming he never will.
Both
sides are playing a game of chicken with default, but Biden is the only one who
is also threatening the constitutional order to get what he
wants. If he goes down that road, it will have poisonous consequences, which
Chip Roy has described to us as “open warfare”
between the president and the House of Representatives.
When the
Constitution and the 14th Amendment were written, if Congress refused to borrow
more money, the government would just have to stop spending for a while until
it could raise revenue. To the extent that the inability to borrow more money
threatens an immediate default today, it is only because our system of
budgeting, entitlement spending, debt, and deficits has been hopelessly broken
by liberal spending policies. If even Democrats are now howling about fiscal
Armageddon and threatening the Constitution over the consequences, perhaps it
is time to start addressing the disease instead of just treating the symptoms.
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