By Noah
Rothman
Tuesday,
May 23, 2023
Who
would have thought that the Democratic debt ceiling strategy – a plan of action that rejected the
very concept of
strategizing altogether – would come up short? Well, everything becomes clearer
in hindsight, and that clarity has produced a lamentable conclusion among
Democratic allies in media: the party in control of the White House is losing the debt ceiling
fight.
Writing in
the New Republic, staff writer Alex Shephard has penned an early postmortem analysis of what he sees as the
Democratic Party’s terminally flawed tactical approach to debt ceiling
negotiations:
Instead of raising the debt limit during the lame duck, when they still
possessed a narrow advantage in both the House and the Senate, they made the
strategic decision to do nothing. When the need to raise the debt limit
approached in 2023, the thinking went, the Republicans now in control of the
House would once again show their extremism, voters would recoil,
and—voila—another Democratic masterstroke.
Whatever
compromise deal congressional and White House negotiators hammer out – and it
will be a deal, or it will be default – Shephard sees the fallout settling
mostly on the Democratic Party. “Either way,” he concludes, “they will complain
about the wreckage caused by Republican extremism, and hope voters see their
side of it.” Probably. But the Democratic Party has over-invested in the idea
that the GOP’s self-evident “extremism” will prove discrediting for years. It
is a strategy that only works when Democrats are not themselves engaged in
efforts to redefine the American social compact in ways voters find
discomfiting.
The
Republican Party’s asks – spending cuts to 2022 levels, paring back the
giveaways and ancillary items in the so-called Inflation Reduction Act, work
requirements for able-bodied and eligible federal benefits recipients, and so
on – might have been branded wildly reactionary if they were not at root a
response to Democratic efforts to push the
envelope.
Using
the cover of a once-in-a-lifetime emergency to borrow trillions of dollars to
pursue progressive social engineering, the most observable effect of which was
to hike the cost of daily necessities, is extreme. Rejecting the will of the
voters who, in 2022, saw fit to hand control of the chamber of Congress from
which appropriations bills must originate is extreme. Threatening at the last
minute to rewrite the Constitution so the 14th Amendment’s prescription for
servicing old debt somehow applies to establishing new debt is extreme.
When
voters are dissatisfied with the status quo, as they are today, and they are
confronted with two competing extremisms, the edge goes to the out-party by
default. Democrats have deployed the “extremism” charge against Republicans for
well over a decade, and the results are reliably mixed when the allegation
fails to establish a contrast. If Democrats could see the extremism in their
own agenda, maybe they could have avoided what could be an evitable
embarrassment for the president’s party.
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