By Noah
Rothman
Monday,
May 22, 2023
“There
is nothing that makes either of us more angry than a bully,” First Lady Jill
Biden warned
reporters in
advance of her husband’s presidential campaign. “There is nothing that makes us
want to pick a fight more than that.” Tough talk on behalf of the Americans who
the Bidens alleged were so frequently antagonized by Donald Trump’s White
House. But what about the president himself, whose foremost tormentor is not
Trump? The bullying to which the president has been subjected comes not from
the GOP but his left flank. Biden’s ordeal is typified by campaigns of
emotional manipulation, moral blackmail, and peer pressure — campaigns to which
the president regularly succumbs.
Jim Geraghty
writes today on
the president’s flirtation with a bargaining-phase contrivance supposedly
designed to circumvent Congress and invalidate the will of voters who, in 2022,
handed control of the chamber in which legislation pertaining to appropriations
must originate: the so-called 14th Amendment option. The half-baked scheme to
vest the president with the unilateral power to issue new sovereign debt was,
Jim observes, branded by the president’s own Treasury secretary a pathway to “a
constitutional crisis” just two weeks ago. Now, however, amid merciless
prodding from his progressive allies, Biden has suddenly seen the merits in at
least “looking at the 14th Amendment” for loopholes that 150 years of
constitutional jurisprudence somehow overlooked.
If Biden
saw any merit in this ploy during his tenure as vice president when he served
as “chief
emissary to the Hill in budget negotiations” under Barack Obama, he kept his
cards close to his chest. At least, he declined to contradict the members of
the administration in which he served who flatly ruled the prospect out.
“I have
talked to my lawyers,” Obama told an
audience in
2011 when he was asked if he could “basically ignore this debt ceiling rule”
via a constitutional loophole. “They are not persuaded that that is a winning
argument.” General counsel for then-Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner
was even more
unequivocal. “[T]he
Constitution explicitly places the borrowing authority with Congress, not the
President.” When the prospect was raised again in 2013, former White House Press
Secretary Jay Carney assured reporters that the president’s view hadn’t
changed. The 14th Amendment was not a “credible alternative” to congressional
action. When it comes to the debt ceiling, he added, the “president can’t raise
it by himself.” Neither a reinterpretation of the law nor the politics of the
debt ceiling are responsible for Biden’s change of heart. All that seems to
have changed is that the president’s allies now insist upon the president’s
acquiescence, and he has obliged.
Biden
was similarly persuaded to tempt the wrath of the judiciary by creative
left-wing legal theorists when the object of their desire was the preservation
of the pandemic-inspired moratorium on evictions. When Biden unilaterally
extended that dubious prohibition via executive order, the Supreme Court
deferred to the White House by electing not to strike the measure down
summarily. Rather, they would allow it to sunset on its own, which was the
Biden administration’s plan. But the White House did not keep their word.
Biden
extended the moratorium again, brazenly adding that he was all but certain what
he was doing was illegal. “The bulk of the constitutional scholarship says that
it’s not likely to pass Constitutional muster,” the president
confessed. It was,
however, “worth the effort” to test that proposition in Court — not because
that was a viable way to preserve an emergency order abrogating the rights of
American property owners (the spurned justices on the high court
unceremoniously invalidated Biden’s last moratorium extension) but because
that’s what progressives wanted.
The same
could be said for the president’s authority to forgive the debt held by federal
student-loan borrowers. Then-House Speaker Nancy Pelosi was skeptical of the novel
legal theories sprouting up around the progressive left’s latest McGuffin. “The
president can’t do it,” she told reporters at the time. “That’s not even a
discussion.” “I don’t have the authority,” Biden said
flatly. The
president drew a distinction, however, between forgiving $50,000 in
student-loan debt and $10,000 in individual debt forgiveness, which he said he
was “prepared to write off” regardless of the legal consequences. The president
and the speaker were correct — at least, according to
legal experts and law professors
who anticipate a Supreme Court ruling that will clarify whether the president
can unilaterally raid the U.S. Treasury to satisfy the demands of an
influential but ideologically blinkered constituency.
Either
the progressive vanguard is so persuasive that they routinely convince Biden to
subordinate his better legal judgment to whatever their desiderata are at the
moment, or the president is buckling to peer pressure. If this White House is
genuinely spoiling for a fight with America’s bullies, their progressive
cheering section presents them with a target-rich environment.
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