By Kevin
D. Williamson
Monday,
January 02, 2023
George
Santos would like you to know that he hasn’t done anything illegal.
He would
like you to believe that, anyway.
I am not
sure that it is the case that Santos, the Long Island representative-elect
who seems to have lied about almost
every aspect of his résumé and biography—from his education to his employment history
to his being the grandson of Holocaust refugees—has not broken the law. It is
the case that, as of this writing, he has not been charged with a crime, and I
think it is unlikely that he will be. But consider this from the good people
over at Cornell Law, who offer these criteria for
fraudulent representation, which in this case falls under contract law rather
than criminal law:
1.
a representation was made
2.
the representation was false
3.
that
when made, the defendant knew that the representation was false or that the
defendant made the statement recklessly without knowledge of its truth
4.
that
the fraudulent misrepresentation was made with the intention that the plaintiff
rely on it
5.
that
the plaintiff did rely on the fraudulent misrepresentation
6.
that
the plaintiff suffered harm as a result of the fraudulent misrepresentation
In sum
this describes the Santos campaign pretty fully.
Maybe
there’s an argument that the Republican Party, at least, can’t suffer harm in
this case for the same reason that a serial killer has a hard time winning a
defamation case: Republicans don’t have a good name to damage.
“I’m a
habitual liar, but I have not been convicted of any crime”—how much of a
defense is that, really?
As Jonah
Goldberg and I discussed on a recent episode of The
Remnant podcast, the infestation of our political life by lawyers (it
is a very ancient infestation) has produced some undesirable outcomes, one of
which is the elevation of legality over morality. It very well may be the case
that nothing Rep.-elect Santos did was illegal—but, so what? Is there nothing
wrong or evil in this world that is not legally forbidden? Five seconds of
thought would be enough to reject that proposition.
“Has not
been convicted of felony fraud” is a pretty low bar to clear.
We go
through this from time to time, dramatically in cases of presidential
impeachment. (For the longest time, there had been only the one, but now there
have been four, half of them involving the same guy.) A president does
something awful and embarrassing, the House reacts—provided it is controlled by
the other party—and then a bunch of law-school graduates go on the talk shows
and dissect, along predictably partisan lines, what constitutes an ”impeachable
offense” or “high crimes and misdemeanors.” As my friend Andrew C. McCarthy
often observes over at National Review, that ends up being a
political question rather than a legal one: An impeachable offense is whatever
the House of Representatives decides it is, and if some American objects to his
representative’s take on that issue, then he has recourse at the ballot box.
I am not
a constitutional scholar, and I tire quickly of talk about who is a textualist or
an originalist or whatnot. For me, the question is: Why do we
write the laws down? If believing that the law says what the law actually says
makes you a textualist, then I suppose I am that, and if believing that history
and precedent can shed some light on good-faith disputes about the
interpretation of a given bit of legal language makes you an originalist,
then I suppose I am that, too. But what I really am is somebody who believes
that we write our laws down for a reason, because the alternative to the rule
of law—which includes a judiciary engaged in a disinterested good-faith pursuit
of the meaning of the law rather than the search for a pretext to impose
judges’ own personal preferences—is anarcho-tyranny. (Yes, kids, I know Sam
Francis, who coined that term, ended his days as a racist crank—it is a useful
term and a useful concept.) Having fixed rules that we can all consult
beforehand is a supremely useful innovation in human social life, and we should
be grateful for it.
That
being written, the idea that law should be the first or last arbiter of decent
or acceptable behavior is insane. “Do whatever you like, as long as
it is within the letter of the law” is a terrible, destructive, and at times
positively evil credo. A morally and intellectually mature person—or even a
child on his way toward such maturity—runs into a great many ethical guardrails
and moral bar ditches and “Wrong Way” signs and other allegorical roadside
features before he crashes into the concrete embankment of the law. The playing
field of life is expansive, and there is more to what happens on it than the
question of whether one is, at any given moment, out of bounds.
There
isn’t any serious question about whether the Hells Angels motorcycle club is a
criminal enterprise, but I’d be willing to bet that the share of elected
Republicans who are active grifters and hoaxers is larger than the share of
Hells Angels who are active criminals. So what does that make George Santos’
GOP?
Words
About Words
Funny
word, “unprecedented.” In my writing about George
Santos, I have been unsparing, and—much to the predictable irritation of the
usual partisan apologists for Republican moral grotesquery—I haven’t felt any
particular need to rehearse the lies of other politicians. But Slate’s
description of Santos’ shenanigans as “unprecedented” did rankle. The fact that
other politicians have told similar lies doesn’t make Santos’ lies any better
or any worse—they are precisely what they are and nothing else—but one does
have to be working with some pretty massive moral blinders to describe Santos’
lies as “unprecedented” while Joe Biden is, incredibly enough, president of
these United States of America. Biden, like Santos, lied about his academic background. Santos made up some
Holocaust-refugee grandparents in order to cynically exploit our natural
sympathy for his own personal gain; Joe Biden made up a story about his wife
and infant daughter being killed by a drunk driver in order to cynically
exploit our natural sympathy for his own personal gain. (Biden’s wife and
daughter did die in a car wreck; there never was any indication that the driver
in question was drunk—in fact, he probably wasn’t even at fault, with
investigators finding that Mrs. Biden most likely had accidentally swerved into
oncoming traffic.) Biden didn’t just make up details about his political
career—he boosted somebody else’s life story, famously plagiarizing from a
British politician.
“Unprecedented”
is not a difficult word to sort out: It means “without precedent.” Sadly, that
is not the case.
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