By Rich
Lowry
Monday,
January 30, 2023
There were
some “mostly peaceful” protests in the wake of the release of video of the
police beating of Tyre Nichols, but the violence was pretty limited.
The
situation would have been entirely different, of course, if a few of the cops
who brutalized Nichols had been white, or even if the cop who repeatedly
punched him had been white.
The race
of the cops shouldn’t make a difference. Nothing that happened that night is
better because the cops were black instead of white — Nichols is still dead.
Unfortunately,
though, the accident of the officers’ race matters profoundly in terms of the
narrative and the nation’s reaction to the incident.
If the
cops were white, cities around the country would experience serious violence
and people would get hurt and perhaps killed; major institutions around the
country would find ways to signal their assent to the proposition that America
is fundamentally racist; DEI efforts would get another boost in funding and
mainstream appeal; the players in the NFL title games would insist on making
some statement before playing on Sunday; and on and on.
Just as
happened after the killing of George Floyd, there would be a spasm of cultural
revolution.
Although
there are attempts to save the
police-racism narrative in Memphis, it simply doesn’t have the same resonance in a case
involving cops, all of whom are black, mistreating a black arrestee. Indeed,
Memphis should be yet another blow to the simplistic, dishonest idea that it is
racial animus that accounts for white police misconduct.
If you,
for good reason, are unwilling to believe that the black cops in this case are
self-loathing black men who hate young black men and wish to harm them for
racial reasons, then their behavior becomes a function of poor training and
supervision, abysmal decision-making, anger in the moment, enjoyment of their
feeling of power, free-floating cruelty, or some combination of these things,
or all of them.
These
are obviously attributes that influence the conduct of white cops, too — they
are all cops and, more important, all human beings, who are prone to error of
all kinds.
If the
reductive racial critique were correct, it would mean that white cops never
mistreat white arrestees or suspects, and that there’s never police brutality
in a black society like, say, Haiti.
Both
these propositions are, of course, preposterous.
The Left
has elevated race above all the other factors that might play into a police encounter
gone horribly wrong. The racial interpretation allows the Left to make a
broader critique of American society and force wide-ranging political and
social changes.
It isn’t
very satisfying or consequential to say that a majority-black city with a black
police chief has a police unit that was running out of control or that maybe
just had some bad cops, certainly not compared with saying that America has
been corrupt since 1619 and needs to be rebuilt from the ground up on equity
and “anti-racist” principles — have at it, Ibram X. Kendi.
The
former is what we’ll mostly hear after Memphis, but only because the cops
happened to be black.
That
this is the difference between relative peace and the pavement stones getting
ripped up and used as projectile weapons in cities across America is another
symptom of the perversity of our debate on policing in particular and race in
general.
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