By Kevin D.
Williamson
Friday, April
22, 2022
The public schools are meant to serve
— whom?
Writing in
the New York Times, Frank Bruni thinks he has an answer: “all of us.”
“The schools . . . exist for all of us,”
Bruni writes, “to reflect and inculcate democratic values and ecumenical
virtues that have nothing to do with any one parent’s ideology, religion or
lack thereof.”
This is naïve and ahistorical.
The first public-school law in
Massachusetts — the first in what would eventually be these United States —
bears the wonderful name the “Old Deluder
Satan Act” of 1647. Like every public-education law
that ever has existed or ever will exist, it was meant to serve a particular
parochial agenda. In this case, the law was intended to encourage literacy in
order that young Christians might study Scripture and thereby fortify their
souls against the seductions of the Catholic Church. Of course, there was no
Catholic Church in Massachusetts at the time, and Boston would not see its
first public Mass celebrated for another century and a half. In the same year
as the education law was passed, Massachusetts banned Jesuit priests from
entering the colony — on penalty of death.
We have been having sectarian fights about
public education since the very beginning.
The theory and practice of modern public
education owes much to Frederick the Great of Prussia, whose education system
contained many features that remain familiar: specialized colleges to produce
professional teachers, compulsory school and compulsory school taxes supervised
at the municipal level, and a curriculum designed around the interests and the
needs of the state, which are distinct from the interests and needs
of students and their families. The schools were not meant to be places where
young people pursued individual cultivation — they were understood as factories
producing the human capital needed by the Prussian state: bureaucrats and
administrators, professionals, educated workers, business leaders, etc.
Religion was taught as a subject in the Prussian schools, but the creed of
those schools was nationalism.
There is no such thing as a value-neutral
education, at least not a value-neutral education worth having. Questions of
values — political, ideological, national, moral, religious — will always be
raised in the course of any meaningful education. And in a free society that
entrusts education to the political organs — which, for some reason, we assume
to be the only option — those questions of values will turn into political
disputes.
Public education in the United States
brings together two elements that always react explosively: diversity and
compulsion. Frederick the Great and the New England Puritans did not have to
concern themselves very much with minority interests, dissent, or intellectual
heterogeneity — and, unlike our own modern practitioners of public education,
they were at least honest enough to forthrightly admit that conformity
was central to their educational agenda: Schools existed to
conform students to the needs and interests of the regime.
There is no sense in pretending that what
is happening here and now is a conflict between some humane and liberal set of
universal democratic values and the self-centered factional demands of some
particular group of ideological partisans. And there is no denying that in many
cases — the overwhelming majority of them — it has been progressives who are
the ideological aggressors in these disputes. That is particularly true when it
comes to sexual education, something that never should have been entrusted to
the public schools to begin with. When Bruni and others talk about “democratic
values” or the common good, they most often are talking about their own values
by another name. The fact that we are fighting over these questions is pretty
good evidence that these values are not in fact universally held, or that at
the very least we differ radically in our interpretation and application of
them. Of course, our progressive friends believe that their values should be
universally held, and, like their Puritan forebears, they are willing to go to
great lengths to punish heretics.
Yes, the public schools are public. “You
have to accept our values because of the great public
benefit we are forcing you to pay for at
gunpoint” is, considered without ornamentation, not a very good argument at
all.
There is no way to avoid such disputes
entirely, though there are some ways they might be mitigated. If I were
designing a system of universal education from scratch, there would be no
public schools at all: There would be public funding of
education distributed on a per-student basis to privately operated schools of
many kinds overseen by a dozen or so competing credentialing agencies. The
accreditors would ensure that certain basic educational standards were
satisfied, and families would be able to enroll their children in schools that
reflected their priorities and values. Not all of these are hot-button Kulturkampf issues:
In some cases, the issue very likely will be that we’d rather spend an hour
each day instructing our students in higher mathematics or Greek than showing
them how to roll a condom over a cucumber.
This would put the interests of students
and parents at the center of education rather than treating them as nettlesome
irrelevancies. The fact that it would frustrate the busybodies who want to use
the schools to bully everybody else into worshiping their own household gods
would be a very enjoyable bonus. But it is a very long way from what we have
now in any case.
The real, viable alternative is some
variation on the Prussian model, treating public education as a nationalist —
meaning nationalizing — institution, with part of its mission
being to instruct students in certain values that are deemed to be important by
. . . whoever wins the inevitable political ruckus over that question. Frank
Bruni is not going to get to use the public schools as an instrument of Frank
Bruni’s values without a fight. I’m not going to get to use the public schools
as an instrument of my values without a fight. Nobody else is going to prevail
without a fight. That is the nature of democracy. If it were up to me, there
would be very little democracy at work in education, but I didn’t design the
stupid system we have.
What we have is democracy — oodles of it.
The discovery of school-board activism by animated right-leaning parents
reminds me of the recent fights over the filibuster, contentious Supreme
Court–confirmation processes, and gerrymandering — progressives did not give
a hoot about any of those things until Republicans learned how
to play the game at least as well as Democrats do. Progressives were happy to
have the schools engage in political indoctrination when it was their doctrines
that were being taught. Progressives are happy to see the establishment
of their religion, even as they pretend it is not a religion
at all. The people who dreamt up all those bizarre Greek myths about virgins
being ravished by sneaky gods taking the forms of animals would laugh their
classical asses off if anybody had tried to explain 21st-century gender
ideology to them.
The next time someone lectures you about
the common good, try this experiment: Ask them to name four or five
circumstances in which their own political positions are at odds with the
public interest and explain how they would go about subordinating them to that
public interest. What you will learn in practically every case is that everyone
thinks the public interest is identical to his own desires and priorities,
which is why discussions along those lines have gone nowhere for the past 200
years or so in any reasonably developed society with more cultural and
religious diversity than Denmark.
If I win the political fight, then your
kids are going to spend a big part of their school days reading Shakespeare,
Cicero, and the Bible. (No, Sunshine, I don’t care if you are a Christian or
aren’t — just as I don’t expect that everybody who loves Moby-Dick is
going to pick up his harpoon and follow Ahab.) Because if we are on the hunt
for genuinely universal values, then we are going to have better luck finding
them in those books than in the cultivated prejudices of any graduate of your
favorite teachers’ college. We would be doing our students a favor.
And shouldn’t we be thinking about them,
at least a little?
Alternatively, we could keep doing what
we’ve been doing and subordinate yet another generation’s intellectual
development to the important work of satisfying our own political appetites and
social rivalries.
How’s that been working out for you,
America?
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