By Philip Klein
Friday, April
22, 2022
The most significant line dividing
the modern conservative movement is more tactical than ideological.
On one side, there are those on the right
who see conservatism as a set of clear and timeless principles that should be
consistently adhered to, regardless of whether they lead to preferred
short-term outcomes in every circumstance.
Those on the other side of that line may
be sympathetic to many of the same principles, but they believe that any
principle that gets in the way of achieving their preferred outcomes should be
discarded without remorse.
This isn’t to say that important
ideological disagreements on economic, social, and national-security policy (or
the relative importance of each) do not still divide conservatives into various
factions. And no doubt, the overarching tactical disagreements end up leading
to substantive policy differences — for instance, when it comes to the debate
about regulating Big Tech.
That said, if we look at the battles on
the right that in recent years have ended friendships, severed institutional
relationships, and pitted long-time conservative allies passionately against
each other, they all, at their core, come down to the same disagreements over
the proper approach to politics.
Conservatives who embraced Donald Trump —
or at least made their peace with him — ultimately viewed him as a disruptive
force who was willing to mercilessly take on liberals and their media allies,
and fight battles that other Republicans fled.
While many people have tried to define
this faction of conservatives as MAGA or Trumpist, the reality is that the
movement has broadened beyond Trump. It has been described as populist, or as
the New Right. But given the emphasis on pugilism, I like to describe them as
Fight Club Conservatives. This strikes me as especially apt given all the talk
about the crisis of masculinity that is common in these circles.
Ever since Donald Trump left office, Florida
governor Ron DeSantis has been carving out a place for himself in a
fractured Republican Party as somebody who can be acceptable to a broad
cross-section of conservatives. He has largely united Trump’s willingness to
take on the Left with more intelligence, discipline, focus, and follow-through.
But if there was any uncertainty before
about where DeSantis truly stood, this week’s targeting of Disney in
Florida should leave no doubt that he wants to side with the Fight Club
Conservatives.
Before calling for legislative action
going after Disney World’s “special district” status, DeSantis claimed a
victory that was satisfactory to conservatives of all stripes. He brushed off
objections by Disney to the parental-rights education bill, signed it anyway,
and gave a passionate speech declaring that woke corporations would not set the
agenda of Florida. This was a message that was broadly cheered by
conservatives.
However, he did not leave it at that. By
using a special legislative session to revisit an arrangement with Disney that
has existed in Florida for over 50 years, DeSantis has veered beyond advancing
a clear policy goal. Instead, he is demonstrating an eagerness to punish a
corporation whose top executive spoke out against the law.
There are many arguments that could be
made about whether the special-district status is an unfair carve-out for
Disney. My colleague Charlie Cooke has argued that the status is actually a sensible arrangement that allows
Disney more freedom to control the area that encompasses Disney World in
exchange for paying for all maintenance costs. Charlie notes that there are
1,844 special districts in Florida, and that DeSantis actually made his
announcement about Disney at one of them — the sprawling senior-citizen
community The Villages. There are fair arguments to be made on the other side.
But the substance of that debate is beside
the point. Fight Club Conservatives spent this week defending the DeSantis-led
actions of the state legislature by arguing precisely that it was important to
pummel Disney — not just to punish the company, but to send a message to other
woke corporations.
They don’t get to claim this and call
everybody who disagrees with them weak-kneed, and then turn around and argue
that this was all about a sudden concern with fairness in Florida’s zoning
practices.
Josh Hammer argued that “this is a perfect example of the kind of fighting Right now
required: a Right, that is, which is willing to wield political power in
muscular fashion to reward friends and punish enemies within the confines of
the rule of law.”
Using the state as a vehicle to reward
friends and punish enemies is something that conservatives once excoriated, for
good reason, as Gangster Government. Government policy toward individuals and
businesses should be neutral to whether or not those in government agree or
disagree with a given person or entity. Conservatives cheering on the idea of
the government splitting the populace into friends and enemies should also
recognize that there are times when they will end up as enemies of the state.
There will be plenty of debates in the
coming years over the manner in which conservatives should pursue their goals —
but it’s pretty clear that Ron DeSantis has chosen to cast his lot with the
Fight Club Conservatives.
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