By Jack Butler
Saturday, January 09, 2021
Wednesday’s events in Washington, D.C., are already
infamous, not just in this country but around the world. That President Trump
spoke to a rally on the National Mall supporting the conspiracy theory that the
2020 presidential election was stolen from him, urged its attendees to “walk
down Pennsylvania Avenue” and confront members of Congress over their supposed
failure to contest the “rigged” election that they had assembled to certify,
then seemed to do nothing when some of its attendees broke into the Capitol,
fought with security, and roamed its hallowed halls committing vandalism and
shouting threats as they searched for elected officials is not only a permanent
stain on the Trump presidency: It has marred the image of American
self-government in a way that will require serious effort to mend.
But it is a testament to that same system of
self-government that the recovery from this shock began quickly. Congress
returned that night, and in the early hours of the next morning, Vice President
Mike Pence certified his own election loss, pointedly ignoring Trump’s own
imploring him to do otherwise. Condemnation of the day’s intervening events was
wide enough even to encompass the reckless Republican politicians who had
thought this mob was one of which they could take advantage. Even Trump gave a
kind of concession, though curiously ambiguous and almost surely disingenuous.
America’s convalescence is far from over, of course. And the events of
Wednesday give significant vindication to President Trump’s harshest critics,
who are far likelier to be found on the left than on the right. Such critics
have a valuable role to play in condemning the Capitol bum-rush and the actors
who facilitated it, and in ensuring that something like it never happens again.
The reaction of some of these critics, however, shows a worrying inclination to
reflexive partisanship that risks exacerbating an already perilous political
moment.
Start at the top, with the duly elected presidential
ticket. Joe Biden ran on a grandiose promise to “heal the soul of this nation.”
In his initial, laudable remarks condemning Wednesday’s violence, he gestured
manfully toward this difficult ambition. Then on Thursday, Biden pointlessly
raised a purported double standard in the way different groups of protesters
have been treated: “If it had been a group of Black Lives Matter protesting” at
the Capitol on Wednesday, they would “have been treated very, very differently
than the mob of thugs that stormed the Capitol.” Kamala Harris, the vice
president–elect, spoke similarly, alleging that tear gas was not used against
the Capitol vandals. Forget the incidents of the recent past (which these
statements at best simplify and at worse falsify). This is an untrue and
unnecessary reading of what happened on Wednesday. The Capitol Hill police were
simply overwhelmed; despite this, they deployed traditional riot-control
measures, such as tear gas; and they even shot and killed one person, Ashli
Babbitt, inside the Capitol. The events of Wednesday are bad enough on their
own and deserve condemnation as such. It is not a time to deceptively graft
political baggage from other causes onto them, and to do so is merely
inflammatory.
Among many Republicans and conservatives, it is time for
a reckoning. Individuals who facilitated the events of Wednesday — chief among
them Donald Trump, Senators Ted Cruz and Josh Hawley, and a disturbingly large
contingent of House Republicans — must be held accountable. But to paint with
so broad a brush as to condemn all of conservatism as irredeemable is merely to
reinforce the damage done to our political system. Ezra Klein, for example, wondered
how Mitch McConnell, soon to go from Senate majority leader to minority leader,
could now hold his caucus together for “relentless obstruction” after
Republicans realize “what they have permitted.” Again, many Republicans do
deserve to be shamed. But to speak in this way is to suggest casually that
McConnell bears some responsibility for these events by having in the past
exercised his constitutional prerogatives and asserted his institutional
interest. The truth is quite the contrary: On Wednesday, he rejected Trump’s
fantasies, held to the process outlined in the Constitution, and worked to
restart the certification process that had been interrupted — all for an
election that has put him at a political disadvantage. There are Republicans
who deserve blame for Wednesday’s events, but Mitch
McConnell is not one of them.
It is even more irresponsible to suggest that not simply
McConnell and Senate Republicans but “everyone who worked in Republican party
politics the last four years” played a role in Wednesday’s events, as MSNBC’s
Chris Hayes did.
Wednesday revealed serious problems with a far too high number of Republican
Party elected leaders and supporters. But to tar everyone involved in the
Republican Party as complicit in the Capitol violence, to suggest that this is
some kind of karmic payback — You were okay with Trump because of the
conservative majority on the Supreme Court? Well, this is what you get — is to
consign an enormous swath of the country to political oblivion. It is also
wrong.
Consider the example of Vice President Mike Pence,
certainly someone at the center of much that Hayes detested. Pence should not
be immune to criticism. But when push came to shove on Wednesday, he rejected
the president and, like McConnell, adhered to the processes outlined in the
Constitution — processes that guaranteed the end of his own tenure in office.
The number may be unacceptably low, but there remain many Republicans and
conservatives who were unwilling to go along with Trump’s demagoguery, both in
elected office and outside it.
I bring up these examples not because I am trying to
score political points. After Wednesday, I am genuinely uninterested in that.
Even whataboutism, that old standby, has little appeal for me now. But too many
seem to be trying their damnedest to drag what should be an opportunity for
universal condemnation of wicked acts into the muck of reflexive partisanship.
There is no doubt that some Republicans deserve a comeuppance. But let’s not
turn this into just another partisan outrage by scoring points off conservatism
as a whole. Elected leaders — notably, Biden and Harris — and media figures
risk ceding a certain high ground left open by Trump’s and other Republicans’
failures.
They also frustrate the drawing of a bright, bold line
that every responsible actor, along the whole political spectrum, should be
drawing and stepping to one side of, consigning to the other the reckless fools
who have made a mockery of our government. Some Republicans and conservatives
have, sadly, crossed to the wrong side of that line, but not all have. It
should matter that not everyone on the right believes storming the Capitol is
the logical endpoint of their worldview. And it is in the interest of the Left,
and the functioning of the country, to help conservatives increase the number
of responsible individuals in their own ranks — to encourage a responsible
opposing party. May liberals not be driven by the anger they feel to mark all
those to their right as lost and be done with them. Otherwise, the recovery
this country needs may never come.
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