By Ramesh Ponnuru
Thursday, July 23, 2020
The legal commentator Josh Blackman called it the Supreme
Court’s “blue June.” The Court ruled that discrimination against sexual
minorities was illegal, nullified restrictions on abortion in Louisiana, and
held that some of President Trump’s changes to immigration enforcement had been
improperly implemented. Responses from conservatives, many of whom had
previously been exulting over the supposed transformation of the federal courts
by President Donald Trump and Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell, ranged
from disappointment to apoplexy.
Conservatives were more pleased by the decisions at the
term’s end. The Court said that state scholarship programs for children at
private schools had to include religious schools, and okayed the Trump
administration’s exemptions for employers with religious or moral objections to
covering contraception or abortifacients. But that second ruling was narrow:
The Court did not decide whether statutory protections for religious freedom
require the exemptions, and so a Biden administration could be free to withdraw
them. All in all, conservatives were left with the sense that decades of
political and legal work had yielded very poor returns.
Much of their unhappiness has been focused on Chief
Justice John Roberts, who was in the majority in each of these decisions.
Roberts has been the subject of increasing Republican complaints since 2012,
when he sided with the Democratic appointees on the Court to sustain Obamacare.
In 2015, when conservatives advanced a lawsuit alleging that the Obama
administration had extended health-care subsidies beyond the letter of the
Obamacare law, Roberts voted against them again. And while he has voted with
the Court’s conservatives to find that the Second Amendment protects an
individual right to own guns and that this right applies against state
governments, conservatives blame him for the Court’s refusal to say just what
regulations are forbidden. When Justice Anthony Kennedy retired in 2018 and was
replaced by Brett Kavanaugh, Roberts became the Republican-appointed justice
who least enthuses conservatives.
Observing the conservative criticism, liberals have
sometimes responded that it demonstrates the insincerity of the Right’s
commitment to originalism, textualism, or other jurisprudential theories. See,
they say: Conservatives are just as “results-oriented” when it comes to judging
as they have long accused liberals of being. But this charge often rests on an
equivocation. Judicial decision-making should not be oriented toward the
advancement of certain policies on the basis of their desirability. It should
seek to achieve the correct legal result. The chief justice’s critics think
that in too many crucial cases, his opinions have been both mistaken on the law
and unfortunate in their effects.
When conservatives have soured on previous
Republican-appointed justices, they have tended to explain the justices’
apostasies by reference to the sociology of the legal profession, their desire
for elite approbation, and their weaknesses of character. But there is
widespread agreement, spanning the political spectrum, that something else is
moving Roberts: that he is trying to protect the Court as an institution.
The Court requires public respect if it is to be
effective in discharging its duties, for the same reason Alexander Hamilton
wrote that it is the branch of the federal government that poses the least
danger to the others: It neither holds the sword nor commands the purse. “It
may truly be said to have neither force nor will, but merely judgment.” If the
Court comes to be seen as a partisan political actor, Roberts worries, its
judgments will lose their legitimacy. Or, at least, many observers have inferred
that Roberts has this worry.
That worry has an objective basis. The perception that
the Court is turning into an activist conservative power center in our
government has been fueling a political backlash on the left. Progressives are
increasingly interested in expanding the size of the Supreme Court if they win
control of the White House and Congress. New Democratic appointees would make
up for the “stolen seat” that they believe Merrick Garland should have taken in
2016. A new progressive majority could then overturn such hated conservative
precedents as Citizens United, the 2010 decision that protected
corporate political advocacy under the First Amendment.
Against that backdrop, the ruling in June Medical
may have seemed prudent: Allowing Louisiana’s new restrictions on abortion
would have angered progressives more, increasing the chance that they will act
aggressively next year in a way that would reverse any gains on that front,
undo other conservative precedents, and destabilize and weaken the court. “A
key source of national unity and stability,” as Roberts has described the
federal courts, would be diminished.
Hence also, perhaps, Roberts’s apparent preference for
narrow rulings that command large majorities, or even unanimity, over more
sweeping 5–4 rulings. While the narrow rulings may leave the law less clear,
they also reinforce the public impression that the Court is interpreting the
law impartially rather than imposing the partisan views of justices. It is very
nearly the opposite approach of that taken by the late justice Antonin Scalia,
many of whose most memorable dissents were written to persuade readers that his
colleagues were not truly engaged in interpretation at all.
Case Western Reserve University law professor Jonathan
Adler has advanced a related explanation of Roberts. He argues that an impulse
to avoid disruption shapes and tempers his judicial conservatism. It’s a theory
that might help to account for why Roberts allowed President Obama’s effective
amnesty for many illegal immigrants to continue and, in earlier years, left his
health programs in place: The alternatives would have involved dramatic
changes.
And while the Court was bound to draw criticism however
it decided those cases, criticism based on a change to the status quo would
probably be more intense than criticism based on leaving it in place. During
his confirmation hearings, Roberts famously promised to call “balls and
strikes.” Adler points out that he also said that nobody goes to the ballpark
to see the umpire. This umpire, it is fair to infer, does not want too much
attention.
But of course an aversion to criticism is not supposed to
exert an independent influence on the umpire’s calls. A strike is a strike even
if he will get booed for saying so, and even if the whole game comes down to
that call. In 1985, Justice William Brennan defended the Court’s liberals by
saying that conservative advocacy of “judicial restraint” was “arrogance
cloaked as humility.” A judicial minimalism that makes the Court’s reputation central
to its deliberations is vulnerable to the same charge.
On one occasion, before Roberts’s tenure, the Court
provided a self-conscious, extensive, and vigorous defense of the treatment of
its own institutional interests as a criterion for decision. Planned
Parenthood v. Casey, in 1992, also concerned a state’s legislated
restrictions on abortion. The Court was widely expected to overturn Roe v.
Wade. Instead it modified it while reaffirming its “essential” holding that
abortion is a constitutional right. Justices have, however, cited Casey’s
discussion of precedent outside the context of abortion; it is a precedent
about precedent.
The Casey Court did not base the case for
reaffirmation on the soundness of Roe as a constitutional
interpretation. That interpretation is notoriously difficult to defend, as Casey’s
lengthy treatment of the costs of overruling it may be taken to concede. Instead
Casey’s central and most distinctive argument is that “to overrule under fire .
. . would subvert the Court’s legitimacy.” It would betray all those who face
“criticism or ostracism” because of their support of Roe, and even more
all those who, because of their own misgivings about abortion, “struggle to
accept” Roe and are “tested by following” it.
Overruling Roe, it continued, would not just break
faith with the public. It would corrode the nation’s character. The country’s
support for the rule of law, the justices explained, cannot be separated from
its belief in a Court that must “speak before all others for their
constitutional ideals.” The country would no longer be able to recognize itself
in the mirror if the Court reversed itself.
To describe Casey’s argument on this point is to
run the risk of being accused of caricature. The justices who made up the
plurality were saying that the more the Court draws criticism, even reasonable
criticism, the less it can yield; and that a refusal to yield to such criticism
is a way to build a reputation for “institutional integrity.” We must keep
faith with our biggest errors. The desperation of the prose suggests a certain
lack of confidence in the content. But the argument is not gratuitous, and the
problem of legitimacy that troubled the Court is not imaginary.
When the Supreme Court sets aside a law that contradicts
the Constitution, its authority to do so is clear enough. If the Court must
choose between the permanent will of the people, as expressed in the higher
law, and the transient will of their elected representatives, as expressed in a
mere statute, there is no true choice at all. That’s the basic argument Chief
Justice John Marshall made in Marbury v. Madison (1803); and while it
has often been described as a cunning political maneuver on his part, it is
hard to gainsay. On what basis, though, can the justices deprive the people of
duly enacted laws when those laws cannot plausibly be said to conflict with the
Constitution? That’s the question that moved the Casey Court to talk
about broken faith and lost national identity.
It’s the same question raised, but hardly answered, by
Chief Justice Roberts’s controlling opinion in June Medical this summer.
Roberts based his decision on a precedent (Whole Woman’s Health v.
Hellerstedt) from 2016 that he explicitly said was mistaken. The people of
Louisiana are to be denied a law that their elected representatives (in both
parties) consider just and right, that is consistent with the text and original
understanding of the Constitution — and that a majority of the Supreme Court recognizes
to be consistent with the Constitution. Rather than resort to the
grandiloquence of Casey, he justifies this denial in the name of legal
stability. This stated rationale fits the legal materials poorly: His opinion
in June Medical departs from the reasoning of Whole Woman’s Health,
which he acknowledged at the time had misapplied Casey, which itself
reworked Roe. If the foundations of your house were so stable, you’d
seek better lodging.
If the actual rationale was the pursuit of the Court’s
institutional interests, as is widely speculated, perhaps it is best that it
was left unstated. But it should not be surprising that the attempt to burnish
the Court’s reputation should involve its accretion of power — or that a strong
doctrine of precedent in constitutional cases should lead to the Court’s
exercising power in ways ever more detached from the source of that power.
It is also a fair question whether an effort to safeguard
the Court’s prestige can succeed even on its own terms. The perception that
Roberts is (and other justices may be) keenly attuned to changes in the Court’s
image has exposed the Court to more outside pressure, not less. It has meant
that the Roberts Court is viewed as an institution that engages in political
calculation, albeit of a somewhat refined sort, rather than one that strictly
follows the law.
Because we cannot know what might have been, it is impossible to say whether the Supreme Court would enjoy more or less respect now, whether it would be more or less the focus of partisan attention, if it had taken a different path in Casey. That we cannot know suggests that adding such considerations to a judicial task that is already difficult enough is an act of hubris.
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