By Erick Erickson
Thursday, July 09, 2020
Both parties engage in mythmaking to justify defeats or
amplify wins. Since 2016, media dominated by the Left and sympathetic to the
Democrats have pushed myths as justification for failure. Russia stole the 2016
election. It could not be that Hillary Clinton was a terrible candidate beaten
by a man not very well liked outside a core group of supporters. It had to be
theft.
Grievance increasingly fuels the American political
landscape. Republicans fundraise off toppled statues. Democrats fundraise off
Donald Trump possibly beating their candidate. After 2018, grievance combined
with progressive white guilt has given rise to more mythology. Now, it is not
just the president collaborating with Vladimir Putin to steal elections. It is
also Republicans suppressing the votes of minorities. The Democrats are not
only manufacturing the mythology but using a playbook to create problems they
can then blame on Republicans as proof of their claims.
In 2018, the national media fawned over Beto O’Rourke in
Texas. His supposedly Kennedyesque looks and propensity for F-bombs gave him an
absolute pass on being both a white man who drove a Hispanic Democrat from
office in a primary and one who attempted to flee the scene of a wreck he
caused while drunk. The media wanted nothing to do with those stories because
he was trying to take out a Hispanic officeholder named “Ted Cruz.”
Meanwhile, Andrew Gillum and Stacey Abrams were running
for governor in Florida and Georgia respectively. They got no love from Vanity
Fair and they had no Kennedy-like features to lure in the New York Times.
Both candidates campaigned in the shadow of the media’s swoon for O’Rourke, and
both candidates outperformed him.
In the Senate race in Texas, O’Rourke won 48.3 percent of
the vote in the general election. In Georgia, Abrams won 48.8 percent of the
vote. In Florida, Gillum won 49.19 percent of the vote. White reporters for
national outlets had not only fallen for the wrong candidate, but their
excessive coverage of O’Rourke had undoubtedly helped O’Rourke hoard cash at
the expense of both Gillum and Abrams.
Unwilling to acknowledge their biases, the media had to
find explanations for their excessive coverage of Beto and for the Abrams and
Gillum losses. The myth was that their races were stolen by systemic Republican
efforts to suppress the vote.
In 2014 and 2016, Stacey Abrams, a state legislator in
Georgia, had tried desperately to register new voters who might vote
Democratic. National Democrats poured money into her efforts, encouraged by
polling in both years that showed statewide Democrats tied with or ahead of
Republicans. But in neither year did the surge of registrations matter. Though
Abrams each year outperformed the Republican in the effort to register voters,
she failed to turn them out.
In 2014, Georgia saw 50 percent of registered voters
participate in its election. In 2018, 61 percent of registered voters
participated. Minority-voter participation set new records, and minority-voter
registration set new records, too. On Election Night in 2018, Abrams received
more votes in Georgia than Hillary Clinton had received two years earlier.
Abrams had also registered close to 1 million new voters. But Abrams improved
Clinton’s margin by only 45,000 votes. Only around 100,000 of those newly
registered voters showed up.
Instead of accepting defeat and acknowledging that her
reputation as a vote-organizer was overrated, Abrams, the Democrats, and their
media allies have screamed “Voter suppression.” They point to Brian Kemp, as
Georgia’s secretary of state, “purging” over 1.5 million names from voter rolls.
They ignore that Kemp did that because a state law passed by Democrats
compelled him to remove from the rolls anyone who had not voted in seven years.
The number was so high because a group affiliated with Abrams had sued in 2015
to prevent the 2014 and 2015 voter rolls from being cleaned. When they lost in
2017, the law compelled Kemp to clean the rolls from 2014 to 2017.
Democrats also point out that 53,000 voters had been
placed in a “pending voter” file. The Associated Press ran a story about Marsha
Appling-Nunez, who had registered to vote and had her registration held up
perhaps because of the hyphen in her name. Brian Kemp, who was still the
Georgia secretary of state, responded that she had been held up because she had
already registered to vote. In fact, when the Democrats made that claim, Kemp
could show that 75 percent of the people on the list had wrong Social Security
numbers on their registration forms and 23 percent were voters whom Abrams’s
own New Georgia Project had registered using incomplete or wrong information.
That last part is the most telling. Since 2014, 11,024
voters have been listed as “pending” in Georgia while the state has tried to
find them. They have never shown up to vote and have not been found. The
Georgia secretary of state disclosed the information, and local media reported
it. National media outlets failed to report the facts.
Finally, Democrats pointed out that in some counties in
Georgia there were not enough electronic voting machines, and local polling
precincts were overwhelmed owing to the shortages. What the critics failed to
point out is that Democrats had filed a lawsuit about the voting machines,
leading a federal judge to impound many of them, reducing the supply for
Election Day. They also failed to mention that Democrats controlled the boards
of election in the counties that had problems.
In one telling instance, Democrats in Randolph County
decided to close several precincts before the 2018 election. The precincts were
not compliant with the Americans with Disabilities Act, and the poor county in
which they were located did not have enough money to bring them into
compliance. The precincts that would have been closed — the Democrats
eventually changed their minds — were precincts won by Donald Trump, but national
Democrats, led by Abrams and the American Civil Liberties Union, claimed that
the plan was an effort at minority-voter suppression.
The grievances foreshadow the Democrats’ likely plan for
2020. Each of the Democrats’ grievances concerning voter suppression in 2018
was manufactured by them before the press amplified it. Democrats sued to
withhold voting machines, which contributed to long lines, which raised cries
of voter suppression. Democrats tried to close polling precincts, which led to
cries of voter suppression. Democrats flooded the system with voter
registrations that were incomplete or had bad information, which led to cries
of voter suppression.
The national media reported each of the stories according
to the Democrats’ perspective and ignored any information that might have shown
that voter suppression was not extant. After Abrams’s loss, national reporters
coming off their Beto high felt an almost religious need to repent for having
ignored Abrams and Gillum. They also now have a playbook to disrupt the 2020
election and scream voter suppression.
In Georgia in 2018, among the 53,000 voters in the “pending voter” file was the daughter of the secretary of state, Brian Kemp. She had registered to vote for her dad’s gubernatorial campaign but did not turn 18 until just before the November election. On turning 18, her name moved into the active-voter file. That one fact could have illustrated the lack of sinister motive in the existence of the pending-voter file, but it would have cut against the Democrats’ mythology.
No comments:
Post a Comment