By David French
Friday, July 06, 2018
This morning, the Wisconsin Supreme Court sent a powerful
message to America’s elite private universities: If you’re going to promise
academic freedom, you’d better deliver academic freedom.
In a stinging
63-page ruling, the court held that Marquette University violated its own
faculty handbook when it effectively terminated professor John McAdams for
writing a blog post criticizing a graduate student instructor’s attempts to
silence debate about gay rights in her ethics class.
The facts of the case are relatively simple. In late
2014, a student approached Professor McAdams and told him that his instructor,
a graduate student named Cheryl Abbate, had “listed a number of issues on the
board” — including “gay rights” — and then said, “Everybody agrees on this, and
there is no need to discuss it.”
After class, the student approached the instructor and
attempted to engage her in a discussion about gay marriage. After an initially
appropriate exchange, the instructor shut down the discussion, saying that “you
don’t have a right in this class to make homophobic comments” and “in this
class, homophobic comments, racist comments, will not be tolerated.” She then “invited
the student to drop the class.”
The student recorded the encounter and played the
recording for McAdams. McAdams wrote up the encounter on his blog, the
“Marquette Warrior,” named the instructor, and linked to her public personal
webpage. As his post gained increasing public attention, Abbate received a
series of hateful messages from third parties, including some that threatened
violence.
Marquette responded to this incident by rallying behind
Abbate and immediately placing McAdams under investigation. It convened a
Faculty Hearing Committee (FHC) that featured a member who’d signed a statement
condemning McAdams and then laughably claimed that the statement showed no
disqualifying bias. After a four-day proceeding, the FHC recommended that the university
suspend McAdams for “no less than one and no more than two full semesters.”
The president of the university then suspended McAdams
without pay and said that his reinstatement would be contingent upon his
signing a letter that — among other things — acknowledged his blog post “was
reckless and incompatible with the mission and values of Marquette University.”
McAdams refused to sign the letter and thus remained suspended. He filed suit,
seeking reinstatement and back pay.
On the surface — regardless of what you think of either
Abbate’s or McAdams’s actions — this seemed like an easy case. Marquette should win. Private religious
universities like Marquette should and do enjoy broad latitude to implement
disciplinary rules consistent with their unique mission and purpose.
Conservatives should not want any arm of the government (including courts)
substituting its judgment for the leaders of private universities.
There’s an important exception, however, to this general
rule. When a private university makes
binding promises to its employees, courts can and must hold the university
to its word. In my more than 20 years of battling censorship on college
campuses, I’ve seen the same pattern time and again. Elite private universities
— often using flowery, aspirational language — promise a marketplace of ideas
and then deliver less academic freedom than the community college across town.
They use their academic freedom to make a poetic promise, and then claim that
same freedom allows them to go back on their word.
The Wisconsin Supreme Court rejected this reasoning,
noting that the university could not “excuse its breach of the Contract as an
exercise of its academic freedom.” Instead, the analysis was simple: If
McAdams’s blog post fit within the scope of protected academic expression, then
the university was barred — by the terms of its own faculty handbook — from
punishing McAdams for it. The handbook was crystal clear: “In no case, however,
shall discretionary cause [for discipline] be interpreted so as to impair the
full and free enjoyment of legitimate personal or academic freedoms of thought,
doctrine, discourse, association, advocacy, or action.”
And indeed, McAdams’s post plainly constituted an
“extramural comment protected by the doctrine of academic freedom.” Professors
have the freedom to make personal comments about political or academic matters
without fear of reprisal unless those comments are so egregious that they show
the professor is “unfit to serve.” Any other ruling would have dramatically
shrunk the bounds of academic freedom and exposed hosts of professors to
discipline for their statements on Twitter, in the media, and on personal
blogs.
The Wisconsin court’s ruling is obviously binding only in
Wisconsin, but the decision was being closely watched by attorneys and
universities across the country. It’s a persuasive precedent that will heighten
the risk for any university that attempts to replicate Marquette’s mistake.
How many times must universities lose in court before
they learn to embrace true academic freedom? Time and again, they’ve lost
challenges to their speech codes, speech zones, and restrictive rules that
defund conservative and religious organizations. McAdams’s case represents the
latest loss to a conservative professor who cried foul. At present, however,
the calculation seems to be that universities would rather endure litigation
than face the internal consequences of defying the most radical members of
their academic communities — the professors, students, and administrators who
demand censorship and repression.
Conservative students and professors have precious little
internal leverage, so they are forced to appeal to courts to vindicate their
rights. McAdams was represented by the Wisconsin Institute for Law and Liberty
in his case. (Full disclosure: Last year I delivered a paid fundraising speech
for WILL). Other plaintiffs in other cases have sought help from groups such as
my former colleagues at the Alliance Defending Freedom and the Foundation for
Individual Rights in Education.
At long last there exists a thriving network of pro bono
lawyers who defend individual liberty on campus. Collectively, they are sending
universities a clear message: The lawsuits will continue until the incentives
change. Embrace a robust academic freedom, or the costs of censorship will grow
too high to bear.
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