By Vanessa Brown Calder
Monday, July 30, 2018
In light of self-professed “democratic socialist”
Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s primary election results, the term “democratic
socialism” has been bandied about a lot recently. Not least of all on “The
View” this week, where Meghan McCain argued with Joy Behar about normalizing
it.
When McCain pressed Behar for an example of a democratic
socialist country that was successful, she listed five Nordic countries:
Sweden, Finland, Norway, Iceland, and Denmark. Those countries are better
described as social democracies, with relatively free economies paired with
generous redistributive social welfare programs. That is, these countries
aren’t examples of socialism that “works.”
Why does this distinction matter? Notably,
Ocasio-Cortez’s vision of a world where capitalism “will not always exist” and
her Bernie-esque policy prescriptions including government job guarantees and
doubling the federal minimum wage actually lie to the left of Scandinavian
countries economically. Proponents like Behar often don’t realize that
replicating the Scandinavian system would require not only increasing
redistribution, but also increasing economic freedom — something that is
seemingly not at the top of either Behar or Ocasio-Cortez’s policy wish-list.
That aside, the generous redistribution Behar favors in
Nordic countries hasn’t resulted in all roses for women: there are trade-offs.
In a recent report, “The Nordic Glass Ceiling,” Swedish author Nima Sanandaji
outlines “several aspects of Nordic social policies [that] have negatively
affected women’s career progress and even contributed to a glass ceiling” for
working women.
Policies including public-sector monopolies, punishing
taxes, publicly funded child care and parental leave, and even ineffective
gender quotas have held back Nordic women’s career trajectories. Sanandaji
argues that, as a result, “the proportion of women managers, executives, and
business owners is disappointingly low.”
Indeed, the United States surpasses the Nordic countries
and other western European countries on a variety of metrics. OECD data shows
that 14.6 percent of U.S. working women are managers, while in Norway, Sweden,
Finland, and Denmark, just between 1 and 4.6 percent of working women are
managers. Overall, women in the United States are about equally likely as men
to be managers, while women are only half as likely as men to be managers in
western OECD countries overall.
As Sanandaji stresses in his report, redistributive
policies and high taxes in the Nordic countries push women to be “part-time
workers and part-time housewives” partly because Nordic career women “find it
harder to afford domestic help than their American equivalents” due to high
taxes and perhaps partly because substantial redistribution including lengthy
parental leave makes women more expensive to employ and leads to statistical
discrimination at work. Working a part-time schedule usually doesn’t qualify
workers for promotions to management roles, which may explain some of the
difference in managerial rates between men and women.
On the other hand, U.S. women are more likely to work
full-time, the U.S. labor market is less segregated by sex, and women are more
likely to work as professionals in the United States as compared to other
western European countries. In Behar’s feminist worldview, these
characteristics should all constitute advantages of the U.S. model.
Behar’s mostly female “The View” audience likely cares to
know about these trade-offs. Contrary to claims, it’s not all roses in
Scandinavia, and the U.S. model (including lower taxes and less redistribution)
holds a variety of advantages over the Scandinavian one.
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