By David French
Monday, August 07, 2017
I’m going to have to disagree with a number of people I
respect. It’s good, for this time, that American generals John Kelly, James
Mattis, and H. R. McMaster are together working at the apex of American
civilian government. It’s good, for this time, that these same men are
operating as a check on the most erratic and ill-informed president in modern
American history, and maybe ever.
Yes, there are serious men, such as former
Bush-administration adviser Eliot Cohen and Naval War College professor Tom
Nichols, who’ve made the case that Trump’s reliance on an unusual number of
generals represents a dangerous break with precedent. These men know their
craft, and their warnings resonate. Cohen fears a clash between Kelly’s “hard
code” and the moral corruption of the Trump White House. Nichols raises alarms
about the consequences of calling in generals to “save” the executive branch
when future generals may well lack the qualities of Kelly, Mattis, and
McMaster. (Indeed, Michael Flynn comes immediately to mind.)
National Review’s
own Elliot Kaufman outlined the danger to public respect and trust for the
military. The officer corps is one of America’s most respected institutions not
just because of their valor on the battlefield but also because of their
scrupulous nonpartisanship. Most Americans view the military as apolitical, and
the instant that changes, support for our fighting men and women may well
plunge.
No one should blithely dismiss these concerns, but the
unique nature of this president, of the president’s civilian appointees, and of
the specific generals themselves dictates that this is a risk worth taking —
that the small chance of long-term harm is more than outweighed by the benefits
of their steady hands on America’s most vital (and dangerous) instruments of
government.
For the first time in living memory, the American people
have good reason to believe that the president is not an emotionally stable
man. His impulsive tweeting, his compulsive television-watching, and his
ignorance of the basic rules of governance and the nuances of domestic and
international policy mean that he is uniquely positioned to make
extraordinarily consequential mistakes. In fact, the Associated Press has
reported that Kelly and Mattis made the decision early in Trump’s term that one
of them should remain in the country at all times. This is a chilling
revelation. Is the president that unstable? Does he need that degree of careful
monitoring?
Moreover, that same instability and ignorance are
reflected in the poor quality of many of the civilians Trump has placed close
to the Oval Office. When people ask for greater civilian control, they of
course must realize that this “greater control” may well come from the likes of
Steve Bannon or any number of grifters who clung to Trump during his ascent to
power. Bannon is a person whose character, temperament, and wisdom should place
him miles from the seat of power. Instead, he’s in the West Wing, where he
takes shots at General McMaster, stirring up the vicious extremes of right-wing
media to collect the political scalp of one of the most vital men in the
American government.
Yes, Trump has nominated accomplished civilians to key
posts, but many of them lack real influence. Rex Tillerson went from being one
of the most successful business executives in the world to an administration
afterthought. Reince Priebus came to the White House with a considerable
political pedigree, and the place destroyed him. So the question presents
itself. If not Kelly, then who? Given Trump’s track record of White House
hires, are those the dice we’re willing to throw?
Finally, much hinges on the character of the generals
themselves. Not all generals are worthy of this degree of public trust. Michael
Flynn is one of the worst hires ever made by a young administration. David
Petraeus undermined a sterling and heroic service record — including building
the smashing military success of the Surge — by mishandling classified
information while engaging in a tawdry affair with a fawning biographer. But
the military’s reputation survived even those high-profile moral failures
because enough Americans know enough officers to understand that honor is the
rule, not the exception.
And that is certainly true in the case of Kelly, Mattis,
and McMaster. Each has spent a lifetime establishing not just a record of
physical courage under fire but also of moral courage under political pressure.
Each has shown the ability to speak truth to power. That does not mean that
they’ll handle the immense challenges and pressures of their new roles
flawlessly, but it does mean that they are uniquely positioned to command the
president’s respect and uniquely positioned to maintain public confidence.
Of course this degree of military influence shouldn’t
become the norm. But there are few things about this administration that
should. It is my hope that the vast majority of Americans are learning that
lesson now. Indeed, it’s my hope that the president himself is learning lessons
from his first six months — and seeing that our politics cannot and should not
be so chaotic.
But until those lessons are learned — and unless and
until our president changes his ways — the reality is simple when it comes to
generals Kelly, Mattis, and McMaster. With all due apologies to A Few Good Men, we want them on that
wall. We need them on that wall. For now, the comfort and stability they
provide is worth the risk of a negative precedent. The needs of the present
trump the concerns of the future. Trump’s generals must stay.
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