By Kevin D. Williamson
Monday, November 28, 2016
Cuba is a country with outlaw librarians.
A great deal has happened since Fidel Castro launched his
first attack on the Cuban government of caudillo Fulgencio Batista in 1953.
Castro was arrested after his failed assault on the Moncada Barracks, and
Batista pardoned him instead of simply having him shot. He should have known
better: He himself came to power through a military coup against an
authoritarian president. His misjudged the threat presented by Castro.
Castro would not repeat that mistake. He murdered
dissidents — men, women, and children — by the thousands, imprisoned them by
the thousands, tortured them by the thousands. His colleague, T-shirt icon Che
Guevara, kept the firing squads humming and the torture chambers full while
hoping for nuclear war — the world, he said, must have Communism, “even if this
costs millions of atomic victims.”
Fidel Castro was a funny kind of Communist. He died
either a billionaire or just short of it and made sure his family grew wealthy,
too. That’s par for the course with these champions of the people: María
Gabriela Chávez, the daughter of Castro’s Venezuelan comrade, is one of the
richest women in the world, with a net worth nearly twice that of Silicon
Valley investor Peter Thiel — a neat trick for someone who has never had
anything that you’d really consider a job. Castro could have given the Kardashians
a lesson in tackiness: He liked to wear two Rolex watches on the same wrist in
a gaudy display of personal wealth.
But perhaps his lack of proper proletarian manners can be
explained by the fact that Castro had come to socialism rather late in life.
Before he discovered the financial benefits of a Moscow sponsorship, he had
been a member of the Partido Ortodoxo, the political organ of the
anti-Communist Eduardo Chibás. Partido Ortodoxo was, like the European fascist
parties that inspired it, a motley mix of socialists, nationalists, social
reactionaries, and militarists, a grand union of the antidemocratic and
illiberal political tendencies. It brought together radicals, reformers, and
would-be revolutionaries from both the Left and the Right, and to that extent
is suited Fidel Castro perfectly: He was, above all else, a political
entrepreneur. When the Partido Ortodoxo could bring him close to power, he was
a nationalist; when an alliance with the racist Che Guevara was beneficial, he
was a racist, and to this day Afro-Cubans are excluded from the most desirable
work in much of the Cuban economy; when socialism could keep him in power and
make him wealthy, he was a socialist; at the end of his life, he was writing
long essays about global warming. The man could read a market.
But about those librarians . . .
Castro never forgot the lesson he taught Batista. Any
political threat was potentially a mortal threat. That meant not only that
dissidents were tortured and murdered but that any potential source of social
instability was treated as though it were treason. Homosexuals were sent to
gulags (the Military Units to Aid Production) where they were remanded without
trial to forced labor. Later, when HIV made its appearance in Cuba, those
infected were imprisoned in sanitaria; incredibly, life for ordinary Cubans
grew so miserable and dire that some young Cubans intentionally
contracted HIV, because they had heard that sanitarium prisoners were fed
three times a day.
If you want to maintain absolute control over a people in
that condition, you simply cannot allow the free flow of information. American
liberals may be naïve enough to fall for your imaginative fictions of universal
health care and literacy (strange that the same progressives who believe that
9/11 was a hoax accept Cuban government statistics without question) but
ordinary Cubans are not in the main afflicted by expensive miseducation. Their
minds must be carefully pruned.
The answer, of course, is to ban “terrorist” literature.
The speeches of the Reverend Martin Luther King Jr.? Terrorist propaganda. The
U.N. Declaration of Universal Human Rights? Terrorist literature. The great
civil libertarian Nat Hentoff dedicated a great deal of work to documenting
these stories. He was denounced as an outside agitator. “What does Mr. Hentoff
know of the real Cuba?” one Castro sycophant asked.
“I know that if I were a Cuban, I’d be in prison,” he
answered.
Writing can be a genuinely revolutionary act, as it so
often was in our own revolution. But simply making literature available can be
revolutionary — and dangerous. The publishing concern established by Lodewijk
Elzevir (which lends its name to the modern publisher Elsevier) in the 16th
century published a great deal of what would come to be known as (another gift
of Communist-inspired neologism!) samizdat,
including some of the later works of Galileo, the distribution of which was
forbidden. Some brave man had to smuggle that manuscript out of Florence and
into the Netherlands, just as other brave men would smuggle copies of Doctor Zhivago into the Soviet Union and
Bibles into North Korea.
There is something wrong with your society if you have
outlaw librarians.
But that is a lesson we keep refusing to learn. The
United States is not Cuba or North Korea, and it is not going to be. But is it
a country in which a significant part of the population, including practically
all of the leaders of one of its two major political parties, believes that the
government should have the right to ban the showing of
films critical of presidential candidates. The Obama administration has
gone before the Supreme Court and argued that it should be empowered to ban books in the name of “campaign
finance reform.” Harry Reid led every Democrat in the Senate in a vote to
repeal the First Amendment, and our so-called liberals cheered. President-elect
Donald Trump has repeatedly said that he wants to change American laws to make
it easier to suppress media criticism of political leaders and other public
figures.
We are not a country with outlaw librarians or one in
which political literature is samizdat.
With any luck, one day the same will be true of Cuba. But history is not a ratchet
that turns only in the direction of liberty, and there is nothing poisonous in
the Cuban water supply that causes Castros or anything magical in the American
air that prevents their thriving here. Unlike the people of Cuba, we have every
reason to know what is going on in the world, and no excuse to fail to learn
from it.
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