By Kevin D. Williamson
Sunday, February 28, 2016
Donald Trump wants to “open up” American libel laws to
make it easier for politicians such as himself to sue newspapers that write
things of which he disapproves. The problem faced by Trump — and by his pal
Harry Reid, who wants to use federal law to censor political speech — is that
the First Amendment severely limits what men who dream of shutting down
newspapers (and little magazines) can actually do.
What does “opening up” mean in this context?
I spent most of my career as a newspaper editor, and
blustering imbeciles like Donald Trump threatened to sue me about once a week
or so. I never lost a case. I never even saw one get all the way to the
courtroom, for that matter. That’s because, as with Rosemary Lehmberg’s
persecution of Republican politicians in Texas, the point of libel suits —
including the one National Review
currently is fighting with global-warming clown Michael Mann — isn’t to win the
case. The point is to harass you, to consume your time, energy, and money in
dealing with the case. You might win the suit, you might never see the inside
of a courtroom, but it still costs you $800 every time you pick up the phone
with your lawyer. That’s why people sue, nine times out of ten: pure
harassment.
American libel law is organized around a three-part test.
For a claim to be libelous, it must be 1) false; 2) defamatory; 3) published
with actual malice or reckless disregard for the truth.
All of these give Plaintiff Trump some problems.
Because a claim must be false to be libelous,
truth is an absolute defense against libel. So, for instance, if I write that
Donald Trump is a blazing jackass who has driven his companies into bankruptcy
four times, mainly because he doesn’t know how to handle debt, Trump can’t do
anything about that, because it is true. If I write that Trump is poorly
positioned to take on Wall Street because he owes practically every bank on the
street enormous sums of money, I’m golden, because it is true. If I write that
Donald J. Trump is a lowlife who has cheated on his wives and betrayed his own
family and the families of others through his remarkable personal commitment to
adultery, Trump has no recourse, because this is true. If I write that the fact
that Melania Trump was a client of Trump’s dopey little modeling agency strikes
me as creepy indeed — I advocate the separation of sex and payroll — I’m on
solid ground, because the facts of the case are not in dispute. If I write that
you credulous yokels who believe that Trump is self-funding his presidential
campaign have fallen for an obvious lie, I am protected by the fact that this
is documented truth.
The second issue — whether a claim is defamatory — can get complicated.
“Defamation” means damaging someone’s reputation, and if you are a serial
adulterer, serial bankrupt, serial liar, an incompetent, and a
tangerine-colored buffoon with the worst comb-over in the history of
comb-overs, it is difficult to damage your reputation. The courts have held
that some people are “libel proof,” meaning that their reputations already are
so low that you cannot actually damage them. The textbook case of this is the serial
killer Randy Kraft, whose libel case against a true-crime writer was thrown out
on the grounds that serial killers have no good name to damage. But it need not
be that extreme. For example, Penthouse
founder Robert Guccione once sued Hustler
magazine for — this is hard to believe — allegedly damaging Guccione’s
reputation as a family man in an article reporting that Guccione maintained a
live-in girlfriend while he was married to another woman. The basic claim was
true, but Guccione was divorced at the time the article was published. The
court found, reasonably, that Guccione had not established a reputation as a
man of remarkable marital probity in the interim. Given that Trump has
approached the sacrament of marriage with approximately the same seriousness as
the great souls behind Hustler and Penthouse, it is not at all
inconceivable that he might be held to the same standard in a similar context.
(The doctrine that some plaintiffs are “libel proof” is
controversial, and one of the important cases establishing limits on that
doctrine is Buckley v. Littell, in
which the founder of National Review
prevailed over a knucklehead who inaccurately described him as a furtherer of
fascist policies.)
“Actual malice” and “reckless disregard for the truth”
can get pretty complicated, too. For example, when an intellectually dishonest
twerp like Matt Bruenig makes up out of whole cloth false racist quotes and
attributes them to me, that’s actual malice. When a feckless talking head such
as Andrea Tantaros manufactures ex nihilo a claim that I directed some sort of
menstrual humor her way, that’s at the very least reckless disregard for the
truth – which, come to think of it, is a pretty good description of Tantaros’s
entire journalistic career.
But it is rare that controversial cases are that
straightforward. For example, if X claims that Y did something wrong, and X is
a source that is well-positioned to know this, or is a person of some
responsibility, then it may not be libelous to report a false and defamatory
claim from X about Y. For example, when Harry Reid falsely and maliciously
claimed that Mitt Romney had failed to pay his taxes, he was defaming Romney,
but when the New York Times repeated
that claim, it wasn’t libeling Romney: When the top Democrat in the Senate is
making those kinds of claims, it’s news even if it is a lie. Likewise, Donald
Trump is lying when he says, e.g., that this magazine is going out of business,
or that nobody listens to Hugh Hewitt, but these claims aren’t actionable. And
media outlets covering Trump could hardly be expected to police his lies, since
he lies basically all the time about basically everything.
Then there’s the problem of “fair comment.” For example,
if I note that it’s really weird that Trump spends so very much time talking
about his sex life (in contrast, to, say, a George Clooney or a Brad Pitt) and
that this seems to me especially strange and unseemly given, e.g., his fondness
for wearing cosmetics, his poodled-up hair, his being an unnatural shade of
orange, his goofy and effeminate mannerisms, his boys’-school background, his
habit of blaring the music from Cats
and Phantom of the Opera at campaign
events, the fact that he makes Liberace look butch by comparison, etc. – that
sort of thing is covered under fair-comment protections. As is my standing
observation that a substantial portion of his most enthusiastic followers are
strangely arrested by gonadal tropes and homoerotic fantasies.
Truth is an absolute defense against libel. No wonder
Trump is unhappy with that state of affairs.
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