By Emily Ekins and Joy Pullman
Monday, February 15, 2016
Since when did socialism become en vogue? It seems like
only a few years ago being called a socialist in American politics was an
insult. Today, however, presidential candidate Bernie Sanders—a self-avowed
socialist—is quickly rising in the polls, and millennials are largely driving
his support.
The Iowa caucus entrance poll found Sanders garnered an
overwhelming 84 percent of the 30 and under vote. Exit polls from New Hampshire
found 85 percent support for Sanders among voters ages 30 and younger. What is
going on?
Millennials are simply not that alarmed by the idea of
socialism. For instance, a national Reason-Rupe survey found that 53 percent of
18- to 29-year-olds view socialism favorably, compared to only a quarter of
Americans over 55. A more recent January YouGov survey found that 43 percent of
respondents younger than 30 viewed socialism favorably, compared to 32 percent
thinking favorably of capitalism.
In fact, millennials are the only age cohort in which
more are favorable toward socialism than unfavorable. Young people are also
more comfortable with a political candidate who describes him- or herself as a
socialist. A May 2015 YouGov national survey found that 37 percent of
millennials reported being “comfortable” (29 percent) or “enthusiastic” (8
percent) with the prospects of a socialist candidate. Among those older than
45, only about half that agree. So why are millennials so much more favorable
toward socialism compared to older Americans?
Millennials Don’t
Know What Socialism Is
First, millennials don’t seem to know what socialism is,
and how it’s different from other styles of government. The definition of
socialism is government ownership of the means of production—in other words,
true socialism requires that government run the businesses. However, a CBS/New York Times survey found that only 16
percent of millennials could accurately define socialism, while 30 percent of
Americans over 30 could. (Incidentally, 56 percent of Tea Partiers accurately
defined it. In fact, those most concerned about socialism are those best able
to explain it.)
With so few able to define socialism, perhaps less
surprisingly a Reason-Rupe national survey found college-aged millennials were
about as likely to have a favorable view of socialism (58 percent) as they were
about capitalism (56 percent). While attitudes toward capitalism remain fairly
constant across age groups, support for socialism drops off significantly when
moving to older age cohorts. Only about a quarter of Americans older than 55
have a favorable view of socialism.
Conservatives often use the word “socialist” like an
epithet, but they don’t realize that neither their audience nor even their
political opponents really know what the word even means. This may help explain
the inability of free-market advocates to communicate with them using phrases
like “big government,” “socialism,” and “collectivism.”
So what do millennials think socialism is? A 2014
Reason-Rupe survey asked respondents to use their own words to describe
socialism and found millennials who viewed it favorably were more likely to
think of it as just people being kind or “being together,” as one millennial
put it. Others thought of socialism as just a more generous social safety net
where “the government pays for our own needs,” as another explained it.
If socialism is framed the way Sanders does, as just
being a generous social safety net, it’s much harder to undermine among
millennials. This narrative says government is a benevolent caretaker and pays
for everybody’s needs (from everybody’s pockets), along the lines of the Obama
administration’s Life of Julia montage.
Millennials Don’t
Want Government Running Businesses
However, young people do not like the true definition of socialism—the idea of government
running businesses. If socialism is framed as government running Uber, Amazon,
Facebook, Google, Apple, etc., it does not go over well. Notice the difference
between support for “socialism” versus for a “government-managed economy” in a
millennial study Emily conducted:
The margin of support for capitalism over socialism is
only +10 points, but the margin for a free-market system over a
government-managed economy is +32 points.
It’s easy to contrast the difference in convenience,
quality, and speed between calling a customer service line at Visa to report a
card stolen or fraudulent activity versus calling the state’s Department of
Motor Vehicles to request a new license card or to report a stolen identity.
Government is slow, rigid, and outdated, while businesses have to compete with
each other and only make money if they serve the needs and desires of their
customers, so businesses have to be more innovative, quick, and flexible. If
not, they fail. Government does not face those same constraints.
Why don’t millennials know what socialism is? First,
Democratic leaders, whom millennials tend to trust, don’t seem to have any idea
themselves. Take Democratic presidential nominee Hillary Clinton, Sander’s
primary rival. Despite saying she’s not a socialist, Clinton found herself unable to explain how
Democrats and socialists are different in a recent MSNBC interview.
It’s not just Hillary. Last August, Democratic National
Committee Chairwoman Debbie Wasserman Schultz also couldn’t explain the
difference between a Democrat and a socialist.
The Cold War
Presented a Stark Contrast
But there must be more to the story, because most
Americans have an unfavorable opinion of socialism despite not being able to
define it outright. So why might millennials have less negative visceral reaction to socialism? Partly
because the Cold War has ended.
A major reason Americans internalized the dangers of
socialism in the past was that it was linked to the foreign threat of the
Soviet Union and tyranny—and that is something regular people can understand.
Because Americans were already predisposed to associate socialism with their
enemy, people were more willing to accept the reasons socialism is problematic.
Thus, throughout the Cold War, socialism in the public mind became associated
with clearly visualized economic, political, religious, and moral evils.
First, it was clear that Soviet socialism was at odds
with the American-style free enterprise system. The USSR had a completely
centrally planned economy with shortages, rationing, long lines, less
innovation, less variety, lower-quality goods and services, and a lower
standard of living as the consequence. Thus, free-market economists probably
had an easier time convincing Americans that American capitalism was far
preferable to Soviet socialism.
Second, the Soviet socialist system was a system of political
repression that disregarded human freedom, particularly evidenced by it sending
tens of millions to forced labor camps. Soviet socialism required utmost
control not just over the economy but also over people’s lives—it demanded
conformity, not autonomy, as a centralized bureaucratic force attempted to
achieve equality of outcomes. Thus Soviet officials sought to stamp out any
source of possible opposition to state authority, including from artists,
musicians, religious clergy, and even regular people making jokes or raising
complaints about the government.
Third, Americans also internalized the moral dangers of
socialism. For instance, in interviews with older Tea Party activists Emily
conducted throughout the country for her research, many explained socialism in
moral terms. They would reference the USSR and explain how socialism hurts the
human spirit because it takes the drive out of people and makes them dependent,
thereby undermining their self-worth and self-efficacy. They saw socialism as inherently
demoralizing for punishing producers and achievers and rewarding indolence.
Thus, socialism became a moral evil, as well as a political and economic one.
Fourth, many Americans came to view socialism as threat
to religion. The USSR’s state-sponsored
anti-religious campaigns in efforts to promote atheism shut down most of the
churches and decimated clergy. Given how the USSR treated religious groups,
Americans came to view socialism as a system that attempted to replace faith
and community with government.
Millennials reached adulthood after the Cold War ended,
however, and they don’t remember hearing much about Soviet socialism. Neither
have they learned much about it in school. Also, without the obvious
association between socialism and foreign threat, they have less of a reason to
accept arguments for why socialism is economically and politically restrictive.
Millennials are also less religious than previous cohorts, so they are less
sensitive to the concern that socialism replaces God with government.
Millennials Think
There’s a Gentler Version of ‘Socialism’
Perhaps the most important reason millennials are less
concerned about socialism is that they associate socialism with Scandinavia,
not the Soviet Union. Modern “socialism” today appears to be a gentler, kinder
version. For instance, countries like Denmark, Sweden, and Norway offer a far
more generous social safety net with much higher taxes.
In this view, government just covers people’s basic needs
(from everybody’s pockets, of course), but doesn’t seize all the businesses and
try to run them, or overtly attempt to control people’s consciences.
These countries actually are not socialist, but “socialistic.” To accommodate their massive
social welfare spending, these countries opened their economies to free-market
forces in the 1990s, sold off state-owned companies, eased restrictions on
business start-ups, reduced barriers to trade and business regulation, and
introduced more competition into health care and public services.
In fact, today these countries outrank the United States
on business freedom, investment freedom, and property rights, according to the
Heritage Economic Freedom Index. So, if anything, the lesson from Scandinavian
countries is that market reforms, not socialist ones, explain their prosperity.
Deferring Its
Costs Increases Support for Socialism
Unlike the USSR, this modern version of this
quasi-socialism has also learned to defer its costs, effectively consuming the
future to make things materially more comfortable for those in the present.
Like the United States, European welfare states have racked up huge debts and
unfunded liabilities. However, their populaces don’t feel that immediately,
because citizens haven’t yet had to pay all the taxes that must come with it.
The consequences of slower economic
growth, lower productivity, and relatively lower standards of living are
opaque unless you have something to compare it to (Norway is an exception here,
because they have oil to sell to support their welfare apparatus). Ironically,
the consequences of socialist-type policies inside the United States include
the very economic effects millennials are so angry about: high college tuition,
a rotten job market (especially for those on the bottom rungs of the career
ladder), expensive health care, and expensive housing.
If young people had to pay for all the socialist schemes
they ostensibly support, their support might rapidly erode. Take, for example,
Joy’s brother, a millennial, who recently earned an $8,000 year-end
productivity bonus. He was incensed to learn that he would take home only
$5,000 of that after taxes. That’s the way most of us feel at tax time, and
it’s a major reason politicians keep kicking the can down the road on things
like Social Security and Medicare bankruptcy—because they understand people
will be furious once they fully realize the costs of these government programs
are too high for us all to afford.
Another reason millennials may be less concerned about
socialism is that not only are some costs deferred, but some costs are harder
to see. For instance, while Scandinavia and much of Western Europe have
achieved the noble goal of universal health insurance coverage, most have wait
times two to three times longer than U.S. health-care providers do for
important medical procedures and seeing specialists.
Survival rates are also often lower, for instance for
breast cancer and heart attacks (AMI) after hospital admittance. This is what
we’d expect with a government-run health care system: rationing, shortages,
long lines, and lower quality. (For further explanation, see here.)
American Kids
Don’t Know Enough, Either
Unfortunately, American schools teach very little about
basic economic concepts such as the idea of tradeoffs or the drivers of
economic growth and effects of growth and stagnation on ordinary people. Young
people—along with more than enough of their elders—too often naively believe
canards such as that “taxing the rich” can solve our country’s economic ills.
Neal Cavuto recently brought that point home in
an interview with a millennial, in which the young lady demanded free
college and student-loan forgiveness but couldn’t explain how taxpayers could
really afford this.
We could confiscate everything from the wealthy and only
scrounge up enough to pay a small portion of the federal government’s operating
budget, much less the national debt worth many times more or gaping unfunded
Social Security liabilities. Furthermore, three-quarters of twelfth graders
couldn’t list two costs to a nation of high unemployment on the most recent set
of national tests. Almost half of young adults could not guess the effects of 2
percent inflation if their bank account provided 1 percent interest.
American youngsters are not only economically
ill-informed, but also historically unread. A survey of recent college
graduates, for example, finds vast majorities know very little about American
government and history. For example, a third could not name a single right
guaranteed by the First Amendment. A viral video last year showed Texas Tech
students unable to say who won the Civil War or name the current vice
president. The follow-up (here)
just emerged February 10.
This is key, because to maintain and expand American
economic prosperity we need to understand the political and economic forces
that created what we have today. Without knowing what role our institutions
play, we risk undoing them and unraveling the recipe that fuels economic
growth. This absolutely does not mean we should avoid improving our
institutions, but rather that we need a careful understanding of our history,
our political institutions, and economics before we transform our entire
system.
Every Kid Gets a
Trophy
The concept of socialism stems from the idea that
everyone, regardless of his or her achievements and efforts, should be rewarded
equally or at least rewarded according to his or her needs—“From each according
to his ability, to each according to his needs” as Karl Marx popularized.
At its most basic level, this is similar to the debate
over kids’ participation trophies. Should all kids get a trophy regardless of
what they do? Or should only kids who earn the trophies receive them? In the
Reason-Rupe national survey, college-aged Americans were the only age group who
thought all kids should get a trophy. After that, older cohorts split in favor
of the winners getting trophies.
The fact that millennials disproportionately think that
all kids deserve a trophy regardless of achievement probably at least partly
explains their disproportionate support for Sanders. While millennials could
forever be a “everybody gets a trophy” generation, as young people take on more
responsibilities—buy a house, get married, have kids, get a promotion, start
paying noticeable taxes, and work long hours—they may start to think their hard
work and sacrifices should be rewarded more.
The Lesson of the
Twentieth Century
Many find the popularity of socialism among young people
alarming because a major lesson of the twentieth century has been that
government economic planning (a.k.a. socialism) not only does not work, it hurts people.
Another legitimate concern: socialism leads to cultural atrophy, government as
an abusive caretaker, and less
economic and social opportunities, not more.
While millennials’ support for socialism may reflect
their youth, there is reason to believe that our increasingly gutted civic and
economic instruction has failed to prepare them to see the potential pitfalls
of socialistic policies.
Previous generations debated and history ultimately
revealed that free market capitalism does more good for people than Soviet
socialism. However, the Scandinavian model raises a new question for our
generation: is this form of Democratic soft socialism sustainable? Will this
iteration of socialistic dabbling work despite socialism’s many historical
failures?
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