By Rachel Lu
Monday, January 25, 2016
Picture the following scenario. You’re a reporter who
gets a call from a deep-voiced source, who asks you to meet him in an
underground parking garage. He says he’s got a tip about something you’ll
definitely want to see.
Arriving at the garage, you meet a tall man of medium
build who hands you a smartphone. A video is queued up. You press “play.” The
video shows Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton doing shots together, while she
dares him to start an insurgent movement that will wreck the Republican Party.
What would you think? Would it be, “Come on, this is obviously a hoax”? Or would some part of
you be thinking, “Well, that explains a lot”? Trump cheerfully bragged that he
paid Clinton to come to his wedding. They’ve both got egos the size of the
former USSR. Are we certain this
whole thing didn’t start with The Donald and Hillary dividing up America over
an $8,000 bottle of Scotch?
The fact that this theory has even a modicum of surface
plausibility, concerning the Republican
front-runner, is absolutely insane.
Party Name Aside,
We Need Conservatism
Is it bad if the Republican Party falls apart? It’s a hot
question these days. The chic answer is “Not necessarily.” The right answer is
“Yes.”
The Republican Party has a major liability: it is a
political party, and thus a magnet for politicians. From this major failing,
others follow. Nevertheless, American conservatism has been a force for good in
the United States, keeping our country freer, safer, and more prosperous than
most other Western countries in an age of bloated, progressive government.
Conservatism has accomplished this by forging a
significant connection with the Republican Party, and by staying roughly grounded on the foundation of
fusionism, the philosophy forged by Frank Meyer, William Buckley, and their set
of groundbreaking twentieth-century conservatives. It’s a good foundation. If
we rip it apart, we’re unlikely to forge anything better, particularly in this
hour of madness.
Fusionism joins a small-government-seeking, free-market
conservatism with a natural-law-oriented social conservatism. We might think of
these as the Hayekian and Aristotelian camps of conservatism. Their alliance is
messy at times, because the two have overlapping,
but not identical, areas of concern.
Fusionism Is Still
the Way to Go
Aristotelians can be a bit reckless about approving
governmental expansion as long as the desired ends appear to be good. Hayekians, for their part, have trouble
appreciating that even in the age of Leviathan, governing is still properly a human activity, which must be
done in view of the common good.
At its best, though, fusionism can yield an approach to
government that is substantive but not bloated. It disciplines governmental
action while keeping sight of real human ends. The fusionist alliance motivates
a balanced approach to politics that is suited to our modern age. At the moment,
it is in real danger of being trampled by crusading populists.
Some see this as cause for celebration, which is
understandable. Over the last few decades, both Hayekians and Aristotelians
have at times pressed their advantage more than was quite fair. In the George
W. Bush era, social conservatives jumped at the chance to use tax dollars to
fund their favorite charities. Libertarians largely ignored social conservative
pleas that same-sex marriage would be a gateway to religious persecution, and only
some were apologetic when that turned
out to be true. More indiscretions could be found, on one side or the other, if
we cared to keep score.
Now isn’t the time for airing our grievances, however.
It’s a time for shoring up the alliance that has been so intellectually and
politically fruitful. If the fusionist alliance comes apart, it’s entirely
possible that our political process will simply be consumed by warring identity
groups, as both halves of the
conservative brain trust become sorely marginalized.
Why Fusionism
Works
Fusionism isn’t just an alliance of convenience, although
there is an element of that. Neither principled small-government supporters nor
tradition-loving social conservatives are numerous enough to build a coalition
all their own. Together, they have since the Reagan era been able to piece
together a viable party.
On a deeper level, fusionism also makes sense. Government
overreach is, in our time, an ever-looming threat to natural community and
family. The Hayekians thus help to protect social conservatives’ concerns in
ways they themselves sometimes fail to appreciate.
At the same time, healthy family and community life are a
necessary foundation for a free and productive society. Free-market
conservatives, with their relentless focus on shrinking government, can
sometimes be a little negligent of certain fundamental truths about human
nature, which are foundational to the free and flourishing societies that we
both want.
We know where the fault lines lie. Marriage. Drugs.
Prostitution. Ideologically loaded benefits like child tax credits, which to
one camp are just another entitlement, and to the other a salutary
acknowledgement that childrearing and entrepreneurship should both count as
“productive activity.” On these subjects, both camps have principled reasons for pulling in different directions.
Is Identity
Politics All that’s Left?
Despite these disagreements, both Hayekians and
Aristotelians still want substantially similar ends. Importantly, we both
believe that the conservatism we fight for is good for America as a whole, not just a particular
sub-set of protected classes whose votes we want to preserve.
The question on the table right now seems to be: is it
still possible, in the modern age, to have
a common-good conversation? Or is a never-ending war over resources and
cultural space (in which each sub-group picks its champion and hopes, “Hunger
Games” style, for the biggest share it can get) now the whole of our political
life?
Conservatism’s allergy to victimhood and class politics
has left us with some electoral weaknesses Trump has skillfully exploited over
these past few months. Some of our voters want
to be “championed” in the same way they see Democratic constituencies
championed. In a way this is understandable, because it’s fairly obvious that
political patronage has been efficacious for some of these groups, securing
them goods, benefits, and protections Trump’s supporters would like for
themselves.
In a cynical age, it can be hard to look beyond that
squabble over resources. I recommend David Frum’s much-discussed
essay on the future of conservatism for anyone who wants a good, hard look
at the world through the eyes of a conservative who has evidently succumbed to
a “Hunger Games” view of politics.
Over the past two decades, Frum has passed through both
paleoconservatism and neoconservatism, bitterly rejecting both in very public
fashion. Now he appears to be tired of thinking about the common good. In an
analysis more reminiscent of a liberal Marxist, he looks at the future and sees
endless class warfare, and a never-ending zero-sum negotiation over goods and
privileges. Is this dystopian vision really our future? It could be, if the
fusionist alliance cannot now be saved.
Looking For A Way
Forward
Hopefully, we are not yet at that point. A conservatism
founded on fusionism has thus far been able to spare American society from
descending into a nationwide game of “Survivor” (in which we all squabble over
who gets to appropriate whose stuff through taxation, until the barbarians
invade).
With our entitlement structure crumbling, labor markets
shifting, and geopolitical position weak, now is a perilous time to choose the
“Hunger Games” arena over a common-good conversation. Other countries have been
able to make this descent with comparatively
little chaos, precisely because we were around to provide some stability in the
world order. There is no one available to do that same favor for us.
If we can prevent stampeding populists from trampling the
fusionist foundation into irrelevance, this perilous moment may serve as a
salutary lesson. Clearly, we must work harder to listen to voters’ concerns,
and to articulate why a free trade- and natural-law-based society is good for
them, their children, and their grandchildren. This is never an easy task, particularly
in the face of an opposition that is clearly willing to take the low road,
winning voters by promising them electoral treats.
That just means that we need to be bigger, more
broad-minded, more genuinely magnanimous and clearer than our opponents. We
need to offer the American public a vision
that is simultaneously believable and hopeful.
Right now, though, the task is to save our fusionist
alliance. If it comes apart, we cannot be certain it will ever go back together
again in a way that remains politically relevant and fruitful. A glance across
the ocean should be enough to remind us there really is no guarantee that
either goodness or common sense will find a home in our
post-Trump-and-Bernie-Sanders political landscape.
A few decades from now, when our society has unraveled
and the barbarians are literally at
the gates, will we remember this as the turning point, at which we decided not
to be a great nation anymore? It remains to be seen.
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