By Andrew C. McCarthy
Saturday, January 31, 2015
No doubt because of my background investigating,
prosecuting, and studying terrorism, the cynical claim by White House spokesmen
that the Taliban is not a terrorist organization has annoyed me even more than
the Obama administration’s nonstop lying usually does. No surprise then that I
could be found railing about it on The Kelly File Thursday night.
In that spirit, ten thoughts for the weekend:
1. Under federal law, there are only three requirements
for a group to qualify as a “foreign terrorist organization”: It has to be (a)
foreign, (b) engaged in “terrorist activity” (bombings, assassinations, etc.,
carried out to intimidate people and change policy), and (c) a
national-security threat to the United States. The law that covers this is Sec.
1189(a) of Title 8, U.S. Code, from the federal Immigration and Nationality
Act. It’s here, and it’s just the first few lines — even a president who
routinely ignores the laws he is sworn to execute faithfully should be able to
make some time for it, maybe on the plane ride between the golf course and the
Saudi palace.
2. Obviously, even if it were true, as posited by Messrs.
Schultz and Earnest (speaking for President Obama), that the Taliban is
concerned only with Afghanistan, not with the global jihad, that would be
irrelevant. They easily fit the definition of a foreign terrorist organization.
3. Of course, it is not true that the Taliban is
concerned only with Afghanistan. The administration’s risible claim to the
contrary is part of its campaign to bleach the Islam out of radical Islam.
Islamic supremacism, the ideology that fuels jihadist terror, is a global
conquest ideology. Obama wants you to believe that there is just a dizzying
array of small, disconnected, strange-sounding, indigenous “insurgent” groups
that are not joined by any unifying ideology — the Afghan Taliban (not to be
confused with the Pakistani Taliban), Hamas, Hezbollah, the Haqqani Network,
Boko Haram, al-Nusra, Ansar al-Sharia, the sundry jihadist franchises that
invoke al-Qaeda’s name (in the Arabian Peninsula, in the Islamic Maghreb, in
the Indian subcontinent . . . ), and so on. You are not to see them as a united
front against the West, but instead as animated by strictly parochial political
and territorial disputes. The strategy, a disingenuous elevation of semantics
over substance, is designed to minimize the global jihadist threat to the West
that has intensified on Obama’s watch and has undeniable roots in a supremacist
interpretation of Islam.
4. You need not take my word for it when it comes to the
Taliban’s ideological connection to the global jihad. Instead, just look at
what they do. What did the Taliban do when they ruled Afghanistan? They
willfully allowed their territory to be used as a launch pad for attacks
against the United States (the 1998 embassy bombings in eastern Africa, the
2000 bombing of the Cole, and the 9/11 atrocities). And after 9/11, when, by
simply handing bin Laden & Co. over to the United States, they could have
stayed in power and avoided an invasion of the Afghanistan they are said to be
preoccupied with, what did they do? At enormous cost to themselves, they tried
to shelter al-Qaeda. In the 14 years since, they have continued to abet the
global jihadist campaign, and have reveled in making war against the United
States — a war they now understandably think they will win.
5. The Taliban’s continued alliance with al-Qaeda’s
global jihad is of a piece with Hamas’s self-proclaimed incorporation in the
Muslim Brotherhood’s global ambitions, and with the forward-militia role
Hezbollah plays for Iran, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini’s revolutionary state
that exports its Shiite version of jihad. All of these actors perceive
themselves as enmeshed in a civilizational struggle against the West. We can’t
erase that by pretending there is no animating ideology, pretending that they
can be pacified if we satisfy their local grievances.
6. This business of distinguishing “insurgents” from
“terrorists” is nonsense. An insurgency is just a domestic uprising (in the
sense that the insurgent is from the country in which he is rebelling). When insurgents
use terrorist tactics they are domestic terrorists. It may make Obama feel
better to say that his pal Bill Ayers was an “insurgent,” but that doesn’t mean
he wasn’t a terrorist.
7. The most disturbing facet of the “insurgent” canard is
that Obama is buying the logic of such Islamic supremacists as the Muslim
Brotherhood and Turkey’s president Recep Tayyip Erdogan. They claim that Hamas
and Hezbollah are not terrorist organizations (as American law designates them
to be) but domestic political organizations that engage not in terrorism but in
“resistance” — a righteous fight against “injustice” and “occupation” in their
homelands.
8. Obama, of course, is not approving of the Taliban’s
tactics and goals. But he wants you to see them as domestic insurgents because
progressives believe insurgents should be negotiated with and brought into a
political settlement — and to the extent insurgents go overboard in their
aggression, progressives believe they should be prosecuted in the civilian
justice system, not fought militarily like wartime enemies.
9. In the United States, Obama is operating in a
political environment where the public — based on longstanding prudential
American policy — believes we should not negotiate with terrorists because that
encourages and legitimizes their savage methods. Similarly, the public strongly
believes international terrorists are enemies who must be defeated, not
defendants who must be indicted. Obama knows he is negotiating with, intends to
settle with, and eventually will leave Afghanistan to the tender mercies of,
the Taliban. Therefore, the administration is desperate that you not look at
the Taliban as terrorists.
10. But they are terrorists.
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