By Kevin D. Williamson
Thursday, January 22, 2015
Ron Paul is feeling some blowback of his own. He was
roundly criticized — notably by a number of high-profile libertarians normally
inclined to sympathize with many of the views he has helped to popularize — for
arguing that the Charlie Hebdo murders were the result of “blowback,” i.e.,
that French jihadists murdered the staff of a satirical magazine in Paris
infamous for its cartoons of Islamic figures in retaliation for U.S. and French
foreign policy, rather than in retaliation for the contents of the publication.
His argument is absurd on its face — the editors of Charlie Hebdo are not what
you would call major players in the foreign-policy world — but Paul rushed to
his own defense, which is for him an increasingly lonely task. “Those who do
not understand blowback made the ridiculous claim that I was excusing the
attack or even blaming the victims,” he wrote.
Is that claim actually ridiculous?
Perhaps Ron Paul should read more of the work published
by the Ron Paul Institute, an organization to which he has, if I am not
misinformed, some meaningful formal connection. In an article on Wednesday
bearing the headline “France Under the Influence” — no points for guessing
whose influence — Diana Johnstone did precisely that: blame the victims. “The
Charlie Hebdo humorists were a bit like irresponsible children playing with
matches who burned the house down,” she wrote. “Or perhaps several houses.”
That is not ambiguous. If Ron Paul rejects these ideas, why is he publishing
them?
It gets worse: Johnstone suggested that certain nefarious
forces — Jews prominent among them — might have intended to provoke such an
attack. (Do read the whole ugly illiterate mess of an article in case you think
I’m taking her words unfairly out of context.) She wrote:
The insult could be a provocation intended precisely to make the believers come out in the open, so that they can be attacked. This may be a secret motive for promoting such caricatures. Provoke Muslims into defending their religion, in a way that strikes the majority of our population as totally absurd, so that you can ridicule them still more and perhaps take measures against them — war in the Middle East (alongside Israel).
There is a slightly more respectable version of the
“blowback” theory, although it is so general as to be useless as anything
beyond a counsel of prudence: The world is complex, and there is no way of
knowing what the long-term effects of any given government policy are going to
be. The favorite libertarian (and left-wing) foreign-policy example is the
encouragement and assistance the United States gave to Afghan fighters
resisting the Soviet occupation of their country, beginning in 1979 as a
project of President Jimmy Carter and national-security adviser Zbigniew
Brzezinski, and later intensified under the Reagan administration. While the
link between the Afghan mujahedeen and al-Qaeda and other Islamic extremist
movements is not nearly so straightforward as many in the anti-war movement
portray it, it is nonetheless a real and sobering example of the fact that our
enemies’ enemies might be ours soon enough, something that we should consider
carefully before getting into bed with them. But to draw any larger conclusion
than that — the scandalous libel that al-Qaeda is in effect a CIA creation,
that X, Y, or Z act of terrorism would not have occurred but for U.S. actions
A, B, or C — is intellectually indefensible. And of course no one of Ron Paul’s
persuasion ever bothers to seriously consider the broader implications of their
counterfactuals: What would have happened in world affairs if the United States
had failed to oppose the Soviets in Afghanistan and elsewhere?
If the lesson of the blowback theory is “be careful,”
then that’s all to the good, though one wishes that our friends on the left
would apply that understanding of unintentional outcomes more broadly. (E.g.,
when the nation’s banking and securities regulators are doing their magic of
mortgages and mortgage-backed securities while the economy-stimulators at the
Fed are slashing interest rates, the blowback might look like a housing bubble
and a worldwide credit crisis that nobody intended to create.)
But that isn’t really the lesson.
“Blowback” is about the apportionment of blame and
opprobrium, and nothing more. Consider the cracked analysis of Justin Raimondo,
a tireless defender of the Paulite worldview who does indeed want to blame the
French — long-dead French — for the Paris attack:
None of the individual terrorists who struck that fateful day would’ve even been in the country but for the fact that France established an African empire in the 19th century.
That is the historical version of a just-so story. A
great many things might have happened to France between the 19th century and
the 21st — but he believes himself to be quite sure that this act of terror
could never have happened but for French foreign policy in 1830.
Raimondo, who is an intelligent man, knows full well that
there have been many other sources of Islamic immigration beyond European
colonial projects, prominent among them Islamic colonial projects. If we’re
going to go back to the 19th century in our blame game, why stop there? There
wouldn’t have been any Muslims in Algeria for the French to conquer in the 19th
century — or Muslims to be annoyed with us in Iran, or much of the rest of the
world — if not for a fairly brutal campaign of conquest launched under the
caliphate of Umar ibn Al-Khattāb. Hell, there wouldn’t be any Frenchmen in France
if H. sap. hadn’t cruelly driven the Neanderthals to extinction. Raimondo
insists that Islamic militants would not be able to recruit violent jihadists
“without pointing to Western intervention in the Middle East,” which ignores
the history of Islam in most of the world. India has a problem with Islamic
extremism, and it’s not because Mohandas K. Gandhi wasn’t a nice enough guy.
Ron Paul is more of a traditional political thinker than
he lets on, in the sense that every story must have a villain in a black hat,
and that villain is the United States and/or Israel. For example, he wrote:
The mainstream media immediately decided that the shooting was an attack on free speech. Many in the U.S. preferred this version of “they hate us because we are free,” which is the claim that President Bush made after 9/11. They expressed solidarity with the French and vowed to fight for free speech. But have these people not noticed that the First Amendment is routinely violated by the U.S. government?
True enough, and also a complete non sequitur in this
context. But Ron Paul would have nowhere to go intellectually without tu
quoque. He’s a surgeon with one instrument in his bag, what The Economist used
to call “whataboutism.”
Does U.S. and European foreign policy — bad policy and
good — play a role in provoking the enemies of the United States and Europe? Of
course — how could it possibly be otherwise? But what is the conclusion to be
drawn? Never do anything that might rub Mullah Mohammed Omar or like-minded men
the wrong way? Give any entity willing to bomb pizza shops as a mode of
political discourse effective veto power over U.S. policy?
While we should not underestimate the role of foreign
policy in motivating jihadists, we should not exaggerate it, either.
As Roger Cukierman of the Conseil Représentatif des
Institutions Juives de France says: “They are not screaming ‘Death to the
Israelis’ on the streets of Paris — they are screaming ‘Death to Jews.’”
They aren’t writing “Death to Jews” over at the Ron Paul
Institute. But what they are writing is simple-minded, dishonest, and, in the
case of Johnstone’s hand-wringing over French leaders who are “closely attached
personally to the Jewish community,” despicable.
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