By Charles Krauthammer
Thursday, January 15, 2015
On Sunday, at the great Paris rally, the whole world was
Charlie. By Tuesday, the veneer of solidarity was exposed as tissue thin. It
began dissolving as soon as the real, remaining Charlie Hebdo put out its
post-massacre issue featuring a Muhammad cover that, as the New York Times put
it, “reignited the debate pitting free speech against religious sensitivities.”
Again? Already? Had not 4 million marchers and 44 foreign
leaders just turned out on the streets of Paris to declare “No” to
intimidation, and to pledge solidarity, indeed identification (“Je suis
Charlie”), with a satirical weekly specializing in the most outrageous and
often tasteless portrayals of Muhammad? And yet, within 48 hours, the new
Charlie Hebdo issue featuring the image of Muhammad — albeit a sorrowful,
indeed sympathetic Muhammad — sparked new protests, denunciations, and threats
of violence, which in turn evinced another round of doubt and self-flagellation
in the West about the propriety and limits of free expression. Hopeless.
As for President Obama, he never was Charlie, not even
for those 48 hours. From the day of the massacre, he has been practically
invisible. At the interstices of various political rallies, he issued bits of
muted, mealy-mouthed boilerplate. These were followed by the now-famous absence
of any U.S. representative of any stature at the Paris rally, an abdication of
moral and political leadership for which the White House has already admitted
error.
But this was no mere error of judgment or optics or, most
absurdly, of communication, in which we are supposed to believe that the
president was not informed by his staff about the magnitude, both actual and
symbolic, of the demonstration he ignored. (He needed to be told?)
On the contrary, the no-show, following the near silence,
precisely reflected the president’s profound ambivalence about the very idea of
the war on terror. Obama began his administration by purging the phrase from
the lexicon of official Washington. He has ever since shuttled between saying
(a) that the war must end because of the damage “keeping America on a perpetual
wartime footing” was doing to us, and (b) that the war has already ended, as he
suggested repeatedly during the 2012 campaign, with bin Laden dead and al-Qaeda
“on the run.”
Hence his call in a major address at the National Defense
University to “refine and ultimately repeal” Congress’s 2001 Authorization of
the Use of Military Force, the very legal basis for the war on terror. Hence
his accelerating release of Gitmo inmates, in full knowledge that about 30
percent will return to the battlefield. (Five more releases were announced
Wednesday.) Which is why, since, oh, the Neolithic era, POWs tend to be
released only after a war is over.
Paris shows that this war is not over. On the contrary.
As it rages, it is entering an ominous third phase.
The first, circa 9/11, involved sending Middle Eastern
terrorists abroad to attack the infidel West.
Then came the lone wolves — local individuals inspired by
foreign jihadists to launch one-off attacks, as seen most recently in Québec,
Ottawa, and Sydney.
Paris marks Phase 3: coordinated commando strikes in
Western countries by homegrown native-speaker Islamists activated and
instructed from abroad. (Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula [AQAP] has claimed
responsibility for the Charlie Hebdo killings, while the kosher-grocery shooter
proclaimed allegiance to the Islamic State.) They develop and flourish in
Europe’s no-go zones, where sharia reigns and legitimate state authorities dare
not tread.
To call them lone wolves, as did our hapless attorney
general, is to define jihadism down. It makes them the equivalent of the
pitiable, mentally unstable Sydney hostage taker.
The Paris killers were well trained, thoroughly
radicalized, clear-eyed jihadist warriors. They cannot be dismissed as lone
loons. Worse, they represent a growing generation of alienated European Muslims
whose sheer number is approaching critical mass.
The War on Terror 2015 is in a new phase with a new
geography. At the core are parallel would-be caliphates: in Syria and Iraq, the
Islamic State; in central Africa, now spilling out of Nigeria into Cameroon, a
near-sovereign Boko Haram; in the badlands of Yemen, AQAP, the most dangerous
of all the al-Qaeda affiliates. And beyond lie not just a cast of
mini-caliphates embedded in the most ungovernable parts of the Third World from
Libya to Somalia to the borderlands of Pakistan, but also an archipelago of
no-go Islamist islands embedded in the heart of Europe.
This is serious. In both size and reach it is growing.
Our president will not say it. Fine. But does he even see it?
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