By Megan McArdle
Monday, January 05, 2015
"Deplorable, deeply regressive, a sign of the
corporatization of the university."
That's what Harvard Classics professor Richard F. Thomas calls the
changes in Harvard's health plan, which have a large number of the faculty up
in arms.
Are Harvard professors being forced onto Medicaid? Has
their employer denied coverage for cancer treatment? Do they need to sign a
corporate loyalty oath in order to access health insurance? Not exactly. But
copayments are being raised and deductibles altered, making their plan ...
well, actually, their plan is still extraordinarily generous by any standard:
The university is adopting standard features of most employer-sponsored health plans: Employees will now pay deductibles and a share of the costs, known as coinsurance, for hospitalization, surgery and certain advanced diagnostic tests. The plan has an annual deductible of $250 per individual and $750 for a family. For a doctor’s office visit, the charge is $20. For most other services, patients will pay 10 percent of the cost until they reach the out-of-pocket limit of $1,500 for an individual and $4,500 for a family.
The deepest irony is, of course, that Harvard professors
helped to design Obamacare. And Obamacare is the reason that these changes are
probably necessary.
The culprit is the "Cadillac Tax," the hefty
excise tax on high-cost plans. The
purpose of that tax is to hold down health-care costs, by making it much more
expensive for employers to offer the kind of gold-plated benefit plans that
shield consumers from virtually all the costs of their health-care decisions.
The economic logic is impeccable. Milton Friedman
famously divided spending into four kinds, which P.J. O'Rourke once summarized
as follows:
1. You spend your money on yourself. You're motivated to get the thing you want most at the best price. This is the way middle-aged men haggle with Porsche dealers.2. You spend your money on other people. You still want a bargain, but you're less interested in pleasing the recipient of your largesse. This is why children get underwear at Christmas.3. You spend other people's money on yourself. You get what you want but price no longer matters. The second wives who ride around with the middle-aged men in the Porsches do this kind of spending at Neiman Marcus.4. You spend other people's money on other people. And in this case, who gives a [damn]?
Most health-care spending in the U.S. falls into category
three. In theory, the people who are funding our expenses--the proverbial
middle-aged men in Porsches, except that they're actually insurance executives
and government bureaucrats--have every incentive to step in, cut up the charge
cards, and substitute a gift-wrapped box of Hanes briefs with the comfort-soft
waistband. In practice, legislators frequently intervene to stop them from
exercising much cost-control. The managed care revolution of the 1990s died
when patients complained to their representatives, and the representatives ran
down to their offices to pass laws making it very hard to deny coverage for
anything anyone wanted. Medicare cost-controls, such as the famed Sustainable
Growth Rate, fell prey to similar maneuvers. The only system that exhibits
sustained cost control is Medicaid, because poor people don't vote, or exit the
system for better insurance.
The result is a system where everyone complains that we
spend much too much on health care--and the very same people get indignant if
anyone suggests that they, personally, should maybe spend a little bit
less. Everyone wants to go to
heaven--but nobody wants to die.
Unfortunately, this is what cost-control actually looks
like, which is to say, like people not being able to spend as much on health
care. Oh, to be sure, we could achieve this end differently--instead of asking
patients to pay a modest share of their own costs (the article suggests that
this amount is less than 10 percent, in the case of Harvard professors)--we
could simply set a schedule of covered treatment, and deny patients access to
off-schedule treatments, or even better, not even tell them that those
treatments exist. But people don't like that solution either, which is why
medical dramas are filled with rants about insurers who won't cover procedures,
and the law books are filled with regulations that sharply curtail the ability
of insurers to ration care. And the third option, refusing to pay top-dollar
for care, would be a bit tricky for Harvard to implement, given that they run
exactly the sort of high-cost research facilities that help drive health-care
costs skyward. Nor do I really think that the angry professors would be
mollified by being given a cheap insurance package that wouldn't let them go
see the top-flight specialists their elite status now entitles them to access.
Instead, they persist in our mass delusion: that there is
some magic pot of money in the health-care system, which can be painlessly
tapped to provide universal coverage without dislocating any of the generous
arrangements that insured people currently enjoy. Just as there are no leprechauns,
there is no free money at the end of the rainbow; there are patients demanding
services, and health-care workers making comfortable livings, who have built
their financial lives around the expectation that those incomes will continue.
Until we shed this delusion, you can expect a lot of ranting and raving about
the hard truths of the real world.
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