By Charles Kesler
Monday, January 28, 2013
President Obama’s second inaugural address wasn’t
eloquent, but it was effective.
As oratory, it made one false step after another, the
result of straining for presidential orotundity. “For we, the people,” he said,
for example, “understand that our country cannot succeed when a shrinking few
do very well and a growing many barely make it.” A “shrinking few” makes it
sound as if they are declining, or perhaps shy, and a “growing many” as if they
are prospering — the opposite of his intention. The words are supposed to
reinforce the argument.
And when discussing foreign policy, even speechwriters as
young as Obama’s ought to know to avoid Neville Chamberlain’s notorious phrase,
“peace in our time.”
Politically, however, the speech drove home its message:
that President Obama stands in the tradition of Jefferson and Lincoln, and that
those who oppose the Obama administration must also oppose the principles of
Jefferson and Lincoln, and are therefore outside the pale of American
democracy.
Tactically, the speech was a riposte to the Tea Party,
which in its correct but haphazard way had tried to associate the American
Revolution with opposition to Obama. Strategically, the second inaugural
continued Obama’s effort, announced as early as 2006, to reverse the Reagan
Revolution, delegitimize the conservative movement, and restore the Democrats
as the majority party and liberalism as America’s official faith.
Obama strives, in short, to do to the Republican party
what Jefferson did to the Federalists, Lincoln did to the Democrats of his day,
and, above all, Franklin Roosevelt did to the GOP in the 1930s: cast the
formerly dominant party into the outer, undemocratic darkness. FDR’s
demonization of the Republicans reached its ruthless culmination in his
reelection campaign of 1936. Having blasted them as “the party of Toryism” four
years before, he elaborated on their treason the second time around, denouncing
Republican leaders (though not their misguided followers) as “the privileged
princes of . . . new economic dynasties, thirsting for power,” who were eager
to create “a new despotism” built upon “concentration of control over material
things.”
Throughout the campaign, Roosevelt pressed his party’s
identification with the patriots of 1776. He ordered that the Democratic
platform be written as a loose imitation of the Declaration of Independence,
beginning and ending with paragraphs proclaiming, “We hold this truth to be
self-evident.” To pick an example, the Democrats announced it was self-evident
that “twelve years of Republican surrender to the dictatorship of a privileged
few have been supplanted by a Democratic leadership which has returned the
people themselves to the place of authority, and has revived in them new faith
and restored the hope which they had almost lost.”
Obama followed FDR’s playbook, even unto the revival of
hope and change. In fact, the 44th president’s indictment of the Republicans
was much milder than Roosevelt’s, mostly because of the difference in their
circumstances. In the midst of the Depression, the GOP was identified with
Herbert Hoover, a figure far easier to excoriate than Ronald Reagan, whose
successful presidency, even after two intervening Bushes, still buoys his
party’s reputation.
In the 2012 campaign, Obama sided, to use his terms, with
the middle class against the millionaires. But the underlying and decisive
charge that the Republicans were led by a cabal of un-American plutocrats was
never far away. In his acceptance speech at the convention last September, he
argued, for instance, that “a freedom which asks only, what’s in it for me, a
freedom . . . without love or charity or duty or patriotism, is unworthy of our
founding ideals, and those who died in their defense.” That selfish,
unpatriotic view of freedom is the conservative view, he insinuates, which
opposes all good things. The many good things conservatives oppose include,
according to his second inaugural, equal opportunity, social security (in both
small and capital letters), human dignity, reasoned debate, equal pay for
women, equality for gays, short lines at the voting booth, “keeping our all our
children . . . safe from harm,” acceptance of “the overwhelming judgment of
science” on global warming, and, presumably for non-scientists, the duties of
divine-right environmentalism (we must “preserve our planet, commanded to our
care by God”).
Obama wants to seize the title deeds of American
patriotism from the Reaganite Republicans. To do that, he has tried his best,
following Bill Clinton’s example, to replace memories of lefty flag-burning
from the Sixties with recent images of liberals’ effusively embracing flag and
country and the military. After initial resistance, Obama even agreed to wear a
flag pin on his lapel. God, too, gets strange new respect: Though He was booed
at the Democratic convention and got admitted to the platform only by
chicanery, He is mentioned six times in Obama’s second inaugural (seven, if you
count a quotation from the Declaration of Independence).
For the strategy to work, Obama must, however, redefine
patriotism and its object. Accordingly, he began his inaugural address with a
prominent quotation from the Declaration’s most famous sentence. This was not
primarily a gesture of civic solidarity. It was his way of reinterpreting
American principles, of staking out new territory for the familiar words
“equality” and “liberty,” which he proceeded to redefine in the rest of the
speech.
This is an old liberal parlor trick. Into the magic hat
goes a fluttering canary; presto chango, out comes a fat, complacent rabbit.
Several commentators (especially Scott Johnson at Powerline) have already
exposed the president’s sleight of hand. But for sheer audacity, it’s hard to
beat the ideas juxtaposed and equated in this speech’s couple of thousand words.
To put it briefly: Obama began by saluting “the enduring
strength of our Constitution” (not its wisdom or justice) and affirming “the
promise of our democracy,” meaning the country as it will be, the America of
our imagination, which to a modern liberal is the only thoroughly justifiable
object of patriotic sentiments. Then he quoted the great sentence from the
Declaration that begins “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men
are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain
unalienable rights . . . ” One sentence later — one sentence! — and the
Declaration was in the rearview mirror and we were off on “a never-ending
journey” to “bridge the meaning of those words with the realities of our time.”
At least those foundational “words” seemed to have a
meaning, or to have once had one. Because a short half-page later, Obama
explains that “our purpose” is “what the moment requires” and that it is doing
what the moment requires that “will give real meaning to our creed.”
So now the meaning of the Declaration’s solemn
propositions seems to come entirely, or almost entirely, from our own needs,
preferences, and choices. Only urgent and imperative actions such as fighting
climate change and protecting entitlements “will lend meaning to the creed our
fathers once declared.” The fathers’ Declaration, though perhaps meaningful to
them in their age, is empty and meaningless in ours until we fill it up with
our own values. The “timeless spirit” of the Founding obligates us to follow
the changing spirit of our times — always as interpreted by liberals, of
course.
Thus “equality,” which for Lincoln meant the recognition
of our equal humanity and therefore equal freedom, means for Obama the
compulsory redistribution of wealth. “Liberty,” in turn, transforms into the
right to live out the lifestyle of our choice, free from others’ offensive
remarks, and with federal subsidies as necessary or demanded.
Even as the Declaration’s original meaning fades, so does
the Constitution’s. Toward the end of the speech, Obama mentioned that the oath
of office he had taken that day “was an oath to God and country,” not so
different from the oath a new citizen or a soldier takes. Actually, though all
these oaths are sworn before God, they are properly speaking oaths to support
the Constitution. The presidential oath is emphatic, and distinctive, in that
regard. He alone (unlike new citizens or soldiers) swears to “preserve,
protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States.” Obama overlooked
the main element of his own oath, which is not so surprising given his
allegiance to the living constitution, which is rather different from the
written one.
The galling thing is that his efforts to rewrite the
American political tradition may succeed. Franklin Roosevelt’s similar project
not only worked, but worked so well that for two generations New Deal Democrats
dominated American elections, remade American government, and reinterpreted our
Constitution almost at will. Obama is no FDR, but then he doesn’t need to be.
Liberalism has already done a great deal to define democracy downward.
Where are the Republican politicians, the conservative
statesmen, who will dedicate themselves to opposing, and reversing, this latest
installment of the corruption of our republican principles and institutions? By
now, all the usual arguments about the bad economy and our burgeoning debt have
been exhausted. The usual electoral stratagems urged by the usual GOP
consultants have been tried and have failed. It will take uncommon political
intelligence and virtue, not to mention good luck, to rescue our free
government.
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