Wednesday, July 25, 2012
Journalists have been eager to find something scandalous
in Mitt Romney’s private-equity career. As a result, there’s been a fair share
of confused reporting about Romney’s Bain Capital days. Such is the case with a
set of breathless articles from the Associated Press and Mother Jones,
regarding investments made by two of Bain Capital’s subsidiaries, Sankaty
Advisors and Brookside Capital. As I used to work at Brookside, I thought it
would be worth bringing some perspective to this discussion.
Much of the case against Romney’s business career
involves whether or not Bain or its subsidiaries were involved in outsourcing.
Now, I happen to think that free trade makes low-income Americans more
prosperous by making goods and services less costly. I also think it’s great
that people in developing countries can lift themselves up from poverty by
selling stuff to us. My friends on the left oppose these things. Fine by me.
That debate is outside the scope of this article. What I want to straighten out
is another issue: Which of Bain Capital’s investments is it fair to hold Mitt
Romney accountable for?
The answer: He is accountable for the investments in
which he actually made the decisions. If I have my 401(k) invested in the
Fidelity Select Health Care Fund, am I responsible for every decision made by
the portfolio manager at Fidelity? Obviously not. The same goes for Mitt
Romney.
Much hay has been made of the fact that Romney was the
“sole shareholder” of a number of Bain Capital entities. But investment
partnerships don’t work like normal corporations. The majority of the returns
from Bain’s successful investments went not to Romney but to Bain’s investors,
and also to other Bain partners and employees. In addition, as Bain grew,
Romney was involved in less and less of the decision making regarding Bain’s
investments.
Although Bain Capital is best known for its
private-equity work, the firm has created several subsidiaries that work on
other types of investments. These include Brookside, a public-equity hedge
fund; Sankaty, a fund focused on credit (debt) securities; Bain Capital
Ventures, a venture-capital fund (venture capital is, technically, a subtype of
private equity); and Absolute Return Capital, a “macro” fund that invests based
on global economic trends.
Investment decisions in these other funds were made by
the people running those funds. In order to incentivize those individuals to
make good decisions, they and their subordinates retained most of the internal
compensation that accrued to those funds. Other Bain Capital employees retained
a smaller “carried interest” in their returns. For example, gains in the
Brookside funds that didn’t go to the fund’s investors were distributed among
Brookside partners and employees, and, to a lesser degree, among other Bain
partners. This structure is entirely unexceptional within the world of asset
management, as anyone in the field will tell you if you bother to ask.
It’s certainly fair to hold Romney accountable for
private-equity investments made by Bain prior to Romney’s 1999 departure. And
there isn’t anything wrong with what Bain did after he left. But facts are
facts.
David Corn’s “exclusive” report for Mother Jones details
a 1998 investment that Brookside made in Global-Tech Appliances, a Hong
Kong–based appliance manufacturer. This proves, according to Corn, that Mitt
Romney was an outsourcer. But Mitt Romney didn’t run Brookside. Indeed,
Brookside’s investment decisions were made without Romney’s participation. In
the 1990s, Brookside was jointly run by two portfolio managers, Domenic
Ferrante and Ed Brakeman. It would be appropriate to assign credit or blame to
Ferrante and Brakeman for Brookside’s decisions, but not to Romney.
Similarly, Stephen Braun’s report for the AP and a
related article by Adam Serwer et al. for Mother Jones express concern about
Sankaty investments. The Mother Jones article harrumphs that a Sankaty fund is
based in Bermuda, a “notorious tax haven.” But the desire of U.S. citizens such
as Romney to avoid taxes is not the reason that these offshore entities exist.
Indeed, U.S. citizens must and do pay taxes on income they receive, regardless
of where the income is earned.
The reason asset managers use these offshore entities is
that it allows tax-exempt institutions, such as universities and foundations,
to avoid paying extra taxes on their investments. The same logic applies to
foreign institutions, which have to pay capital-gains taxes in their home
countries: They would get taxed twice in certain ways if they invested in a
U.S.-domiciled fund.
Similarly, if the Ford Foundation makes a mint by
directly owning shares of Apple, the foundation doesn’t pay taxes on its
capital gains. But if the foundation invests in a U.S. fund, the foundation
will be forced to pay “unrelated business income taxes” on its portfolio. For
this reason, any investment fund that seeks the business of tax-exempt
institutions must set up an offshore entity.
Sankaty also had a very small stake in Hong Kong’s
Global-Tech Appliances — only 48,000 shares, compared with Brookside’s 1.05
million. But Sankaty’s chief investment officer was not Mitt Romney, but rather
Jonathan Lavine. Whether you agree or disagree with Lavine’s investment in
Global-Tech — nothing wrong with it from my standpoint — it was Lavine who was
ultimately responsible for Sankaty’s investment
decision. And Lavine happens to be a top fundraiser for . . . President
Obama.
That relevant fact, of course, was not considered
newsworthy by either the Associated Press or Mother Jones. If they think
Sankaty’s work is so terrible, they should demand that the Obama campaign
return Lavine’s donations. To date, they have not.
In sum, here is what you need to know about Bain Capital.
Bain sought to invest not only its capital but also its people in turning
important American companies around and making them competitive in the global
arena. Bain made lots of investments. Some jobs were created, and some were
lost. Mitt Romney was involved with some, and not others. Some failed, but many
more succeeded. Most important, as dozens of Democrats have averred, it was
honorable work.
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