Alvin Bragg Makes History — Preposterously

By Rich Lowry

Monday, April 15, 2024

 

Alvin Bragg is to be commended for getting to trial on the Trump hush-payments case.

 

Lesser prosecutors would have been daunted by the prospect of creating a national melodrama and a norm-breaking prosecution of a former president over what is, in essence, a misdemeanor business-records charge.

 

They would have blanched at having to rely on serial perjurer Michael Cohen as a star witness.

 

They would have recognized the inherent ambiguity in the question of whether the hush payments to Stormy Daniels were personal payments or campaign expenses.

 

They would have been reluctant to torture the law to stretch the statute of limitations just far enough to cover the events in question, and would have been too embarrassed by the chronological difficulty involved in arguing that events in 2017 influenced the 2016 election.

 

This is why federal prosecutors and Bragg’s predecessor took a pass on this case, but Bragg is made of sterner stuff and wasn’t going to let mere legal inadequacy prevent him from reaching for his destiny.

 

If all goes as planned for Bragg, in about a month’s time, he’ll be known as the Manhattan DA who goes easy on disturbed men who punch old ladies on subway platforms but is hell on wheels on bookkeeping offenses that don’t harm anyone, not even the tax collector.

 

The trial, commencing this morning in Manhattan, will be all about Trump — he’s the famous defendant who was once president and may well be president again — but the most important piece of the puzzle is Alvin Bragg, since no one else with an ounce of judgment would have brought this case.

 

As we all know, it involves a $130,000 payment from former Trump fixer Michael Cohen to Stormy Daniels right before the 2016 election to keep her quiet about an alleged affair she had with Trump a decade earlier.

 

Such a hush payment may be sleazy, but there is nothing illegal about it — such transactions happen all the time, and they are often part of legal settlements.

 

The underlying offense occurred later, when Trump reimbursed Cohen in 2017 and misleadingly booked the payment not as the reimbursement of a debt but as an ongoing legal expense. This was not to evade taxes — in fact, the amount paid to Cohen was basically doubled to account for his paying taxes on the reimbursement.

 

If this alleged crime doesn’t shock your conscience, the drafters of the relevant New York statute agreed with you — they made it a misdemeanor.

 

This presented two obstacles for Alvin Bragg. One was that charging a former president with a misdemeanor would be too ridiculous even for him. The other was that the statute of limitations for such a misdemeanor offense is two years, so he’d be out of luck even if he wanted to indict Trump anyway.

 

This is when Alvin Bragg showed creativity verging on brilliance and a bulldog determination that few prosecutors can match, as he found a way to redefine the misdemeanor into a felony by arguing that the underlying offense was in furtherance of another crime, namely, a violation of federal campaign-finance laws. The Cohen payment to Daniels, in other words, was supposedly a campaign donation that exceeded federal limits.

 

Never mind that the hush payment does not constitute any of the things that are traditionally defined as campaign expenses — advertising and the like.

 

Never mind that the payment easily could have been motivated by a desire to avoid personal embarrassment.

 

Never mind that the Federal Election Commission looked at the payment and declined to pursue it as a violation.

 

Never mind that if Trump had paid Stormy Daniels from his campaign coffers, his enemies would be contending that he had misallocated campaign funds for personal purposes.

 

And never mind that it is untested whether a federal crime can be the secondary offense in a violation of New York’s business-records law. (Bragg has a couple of other, even less convincing theories of the secondary offense.)

 

No, blow past all of that, because Bragg did.

 

By redefining Trump’s offense as a felony, Bragg got several years back on the statute-of-limitations clock. He then proceeded to charge basically every keystroke related to these payments as a separate offense, making a misdemeanor into 34 felonies.

 

If all of that isn’t audacious enough, the facts don’t come close to fitting Bragg’s underlying theory. In his statement of facts, Bragg says Trump orchestrated a scheme to influence the 2016 election “from August 2015 to December 2017.”

 

This chronological framing might have made sense if the election had happened . . . in December 2017. Is Bragg simply hoping that no one notices that the election was actually held in November 2016 and that the reimbursement of Cohen’s payment, which this case is all about, occurred after that date? How did bookkeeping decisions in 2017 retroactively affect an election held months earlier?

 

By the way, if the payoff to Stormy Daniels was a campaign expense and had been treated as such by the Trump campaign, it wouldn’t have to be reported until 2017. Again, how would that have influenced the outcome of the 2016 election?

 

(For a thorough demolition of Bragg’s case, check out this piece by Andy McCarthy.)

 

It’s likely that none of this is going to matter because the New York legal system is so stacked against Trump. Still, it’s possible that the former president could wiggle off the hook with a hung jury or, as this Politico analysis notes, a request that the judge let the jury consider the “lesser included” misdemeanor offenses.

 

Anything less than a resounding victory would be a major embarrassment for Bragg, and it couldn’t happen to a better prosecutor.