By Rich Lowry
Tuesday, April 01, 2025
Is it worth it to the United States to enforce freedom of navigation on the seas?
That question was a subplot in the instantly famous
leaked Signal chat over an operation to hit Houthi targets in Yemen.
Vice President JD Vance expressed skepticism, noting that
more European than U.S. trade passes through the Suez Canal. Defense Secretary
Pete Hegseth and National Security Adviser Michael Waltz, on the other hand,
were strongly in favor. Hegseth correctly called freedom of navigation “a core
national interest.”
Open sea lanes are necessary to U.S. commercial shipping
and trade (80 percent of all global trade is carried by ocean), as well as to
lines of communication with our allies and U.S. bases overseas. A strategy
document from U.S. Joint Forces Command observed a few years ago, “The crucial
enabler for America’s ability to project its military power for the past six
decades has been its almost complete control over the global commons.”
The fact is that President Trump’s decision to hit the
Houthis toward the goal of open sea lanes was fundamentally American.
We’ve long recognized the wisdom of the 17th-century
English adventurer Walter Raleigh when he said, “For whosoever commands the sea
commands the trade; whosoever commands the trade of the world commands the
riches of the world, and consequently the world itself.”
We fought the Quasi-War with France during the John Adams
administration over French privateers seizing our shipping in the Caribbean.
President Thomas Jefferson reacted similarly to the
Barbary states’ harassing of shipping in the Mediterranean. He ordered U.S.
ships to go after the corsairs, urging our commander to “chastise their
insolence — by sinking, burning or destroying their ships & vessels
wherever you shall find them.”
Jefferson’s actions were in keeping with his belief that
we should be a trading nation and, as he had put it in a letter to James
Monroe, “this will require a protecting force on the sea. Otherwise the
smallest powers in Europe, every one which possesses a single ship of the line
may dictate to us.” He concluded that “naval force then is necessary if we mean
to be commercial.”
During James Madison’s presidency, we fought the War of
1812 over British interference with our trade and impressment of sailors.
Needless to say, Adams, Jefferson, and Madison aren’t
strange interlopers in the American experience; they are among our most honored
statesmen and were fully vested in freedom of navigation.
In the aftermath of the two world wars — also involving
questions of freedom of navigation — the United States had the power to enforce
peace on the seas, and it’s been a boon to the U.S. and to the rest of the
world. As Gregg Easterbrook points out in his compelling book, The Blue Age,
there hasn’t been a major fight on the sea since the Battle of Leyte Gulf in
1944. Trade has increased accordingly, and increased wealth here and elsewhere.
There is nothing inevitable about any of this. In fact,
considering the sweep of world history, conflict and predation at sea are the
norm.
If we step back, a vacuum isn’t going to be filled by
selfless or friendly powers. It either won’t be filled at all, feeding chaos,
or a hostile power like China will enforce an arrangement to its liking.
The Red Sea demonstrates the dynamic in microcosm.
President Biden’s abdication allowed insurgents to attack commercial shipping,
sending insurance rates soaring or diverting vessels away from the Suez Canal
to the longer, more expensive route around the Cape of Good Hope. One analysis
says the attacks added 0.7 percent to inflation in global core goods during the
first six months of 2024.
Europeans navies aren’t going to deal with the problem
(they barely exist), and so it falls to us.
Thomas Jefferson wasn’t available to be added to the
Signal chat about the anti-Houthi operation. Still, there is no doubt that he
would have approved.
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