By Nick Catoggio
Thursday, April 10, 2025
What would happen if it turned out that the president had
bought a million dollars worth of call options for the S&P 500 index just
before announcing a “pause”
on most of his “Liberation Day” tariffs?
That’s no idle hypothetical. Some unknown person or
persons did buy a bunch of those options on Wednesday about 10 minutes
before the White House canceled the global thermonuclear trade war it had
just launched. Markets predictably launched into orbit on the news, making said
person or persons tremendously
wealthy in a blink.
The coincidence in timing suggests the purchase was
either a freakish stroke of luck or one of the most brazen acts of insider
trading in American financial history, as various Senate
Democrats are now alleging.
Almost certainly, one or more people close to the president knew what was about
to happen and cashed in.
“Someone’s going to prison,” an outraged observer huffed
afterward. I assure you, no one is going to prison. Not to federal prison,
anyway, and not to state prison either if the “lucky” investor(s) happen to
reside in a red state. We all understand, or should understand, how
Republican-run government works now. Don’t make me tap
the sign.
Back to the hypothetical. Imagine if it were Trump
himself who bought those options, either by placing the order from the Oval
Office or by tipping off confidants to place it. Imagine further that he copped
to having done it when asked, which isn’t unlikely. The fact that so much of
his corruption takes place in broad daylight has always worked in his favor,
convincing gullible Americans that his behavior can’t truly be scandalous if
he’s not trying to hide it.
Insider trading by the president, right out in the open.
Would that be an impeachable offense?
Not to be too Clintonian, but I’d say the answer is that
it depends on what the meaning of “impeachable” is.
If by “impeachable” we mean an act that warrants
impeachment and removal, of course it is. By profiting off of his own market
manipulation, Trump would be guilty of having abused the authority of his
office to enrich himself. An autocrat by nature, he’s never understood why the
powers of the presidency shouldn’t
be used to serve his
personal interests. This would simply be the latest example.
But if by “impeachable” we mean an act that might
plausibly result in impeachment and removal, then of course it isn’t. There’s
no such thing as an impeachable offense after January 6. A Republican-led
Congress that’s too frightened of Trump to repeal his tariff powers as he
embarks on an economic arson spree would surely be too frightened to remove him
from office altogether even if he confessed to insider trading. One Dispatch
colleague told me he’d set the over/under on how many Senate Republicans would
vote to convict in the scenario I described at 1.5—and that he’d take the
under.
I would too. Lisa Murkowski would flip, presumably, but
Susan Collins? She has a Republican primary coming up, you know.
There’s no such thing as an impeachable offense after
January 6 and Trump knows it. Which is how we arrived at the ominous spectacle
that played out in the Oval Office on Wednesday afternoon.
Retaliation.
Lost yesterday amid the public jubilation over being
liberated from “Liberation Day” was the signing of two new executive orders,
one aimed at Chris Krebs, the other at Miles Taylor.
Krebs led the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security
Agency during Trump’s first term, placing him in charge of, among other things,
detecting and preventing any tampering with America’s election technology. The
president fired
him on November 17, 2020 not for doing his job poorly but for doing it
honestly and well. Krebs insisted repeatedly after Election Day that there had
been no security breaches involved in Joe Biden’s victory. That qualified as
insubordination in the Trump White House.
Taylor served in the Department of Homeland Security
during the president’s first term and published a famous op-ed—anonymously—in
2018 titled, “I
Am Part of the Resistance Inside the Trump Administration.” After leaving
DHS in 2019, he turned it into a
book (also published anonymously) arguing against Trump’s reelection before
revealing himself as the author in October 2020. Even before then, he had begun
giving interviews to the media on the record about the more hair-raising
presidential episodes he witnessed while working for DHS.
The two men embarrassed a president who believes he has a
mandate for “retribution.” Retribution came yesterday in the form of executive
memoranda.
Trump’s new memorandum
on Krebs accuses him of various offenses, including “censoring”
conservative viewpoints, but the true nature of his grievance is right there in
the text: “Krebs, through CISA, falsely and baselessly denied that the 2020
election was rigged and stolen, including by inappropriately and categorically
dismissing widespread election malfeasance and serious vulnerabilities with
voting machines.”
That’s nakedly retaliatory, just like the executive
orders targeting
law firms that caused legal trouble for the president in the past. Once
again, Trump’s corruption is right out in the open. But I believe this is the
first time he’s gone as far as to officially penalize someone for rejecting his
conspiratorial nonsense about the 2020 election, a position shared by a
large majority of the American public and even by some of his own Cabinet
nominees. Or former
nominees, anyway.
The memorandum
on Taylor, meanwhile, accuses him of having disclosed “sensitive
information” by revealing what he saw while working in the first Trump White
House. Get a load of this:
Where a Government employee
improperly discloses sensitive information for the purposes of personal
enrichment and undermining our foreign policy, national security, and
Government effectiveness–-all ultimately designed to sow chaos and distrust in
Government—this conduct could properly be characterized as treasonous and as
possibly violating the Espionage Act, and therefore makes such employee
ineligible for access to national secrets.
Ignore the heavy breathing about “treasonous” behavior or
the idea that Donald Trump, of all people, might earnestly fret about someone
“sowing chaos and distrust in Government.” Instead, savor the spectacle of a
guy who turned a Mar-a-Lago restroom into a
second National Archives pretending to care about behaving improperly with
sensitive information. The Signalgate
fiasco, for which neither Mike Waltz, Pete Hegseth, nor anyone else has
been disciplined, was less than three weeks ago, for cripes sake. Insider
trading on the tariff “pause,” which was pretty darned sensitive information
and led to an awful lot of enrichment, happened literally yesterday.
It’s not the hypocrisy that makes targeting Krebs and
Taylor one of Trump’s most sinister acts of retribution to date, nor is it the
fact that in this case he’s zeroing in on individuals instead of organizations
like law firms. What’s sinister is the penalties he ordered. On top of
rescinding the two men’s security clearances, the president commanded the
Department of Homeland Security to investigate their “activities” as government
employees—and in Krebs’ case directed the Justice Department to join that investigation.
Doomsayers like me worried that his “retribution” mindset
would lead him to sic government agencies on his political enemies and harass
them whether or not they’re credibly suspected of wrongdoing. Well, here we
are. It took less than three months.
Lavrentiy Beria, the notorious Soviet secret police
chief, once supposedly boasted of his ability to discredit and/or imprison
anyone disfavored by the regime by saying, “Show me the man and I’ll show you
the crime.” Yesterday, Trump showed Krebs and Taylor to federal law enforcement
and told them to show him the crime.
An impeachable offense.
I could be convinced that this is the single most
impeachment-worthy thing he’s done since returning to office, although the
competition is stiff.
It’s not the most destructive thing he’s done. That
distinction belongs to “Liberation Day,” but stupidity, even tremendous
stupidity, isn’t a high crime or misdemeanor. If anything, it’s just deserts
for an electorate that listened to him flap his gums endlessly about tariffs
during the campaign and reelected him anyway. Plus, by Trump standards, he’s on
reasonably firm legal ground in wielding his power to tax imports: Congress
chose to cede some of its authority on that subject to the president in the past
and now we’re all suffering for it.
It’s not the most outrageous thing he’s done either.
Absolving his foot soldiers on January 6, including the most violent ones, from
having to pay for their crimes is even more quintessentially fascist than what
he’s doing to Krebs and Taylor. But the Supreme Court, in its infinite wisdom,
has granted presidents carte
blanche from criminal prosecution for corrupt pardons, and that makes it
hard (although not impossible) to argue that an impeachable offense was
committed. Especially when the Democrat whom Trump succeeded in office was
pretty darned corrupt in his use of the pardon power too.
Neither is it the most distressing thing he’s done. That
would be his hasty deportation of hundreds of supposed Venezuelan “gang
members” to a gulag in El Salvador without due process. Three-quarters of them
reportedly have
no criminal record, and at least one seems pretty clearly not
to be a gangster. But Trump has a legal
fig leaf there too and will insist that any errors made in trying to
protect Americans from dangerous foreigners are a case of overzealous good
intentions in a noble cause. Which would be untrue—his intentions aren’t good—but
it’s a solid political defense to impeachment.
It’s not even the shadiest thing he’s done. This is a man
who, shortly before being sworn in, launched his own cryptocurrency and has
continued to hawk it despite the fact that his own administration is in
charge of regulating it. But it’s impossible to imagine him being impeached for
his memecoin conflict of interest because, frankly, relative to all of his
other civic sins, it feels de minimis. Americans knowingly reelected a
convicted felon who had three other criminal indictments pending against him;
imagine how silly it would sound now to demand that they get indignant about
the president using his office to fleece his own fans.
The people wanted a grifting con man. By what right does
Congress deny them their heart’s desire? Which, incidentally, is also the logic
that will get Trump off the hook in case he really does turn out to be the
mystery buyer of those S&P 500 index options.
What he’s doing to Krebs and Taylor isn’t the worst thing
he’s ever done or ever will do. But it’s an unusually stark example of him
abusing his authority to settle a personal grudge, not merely by canceling
federal privileges (as he did
to John Bolton) but by commandeering the power of federal law enforcement
to intimidate and impose affirmative hardships on his enemies.
Bill of attainder.
It’s in the spirit of a bill of attainder.
A bill of attainder is
when the legislature singles out a disfavored person or group by proclaiming
them guilty of a crime and ordering them punished, without trial or other
judicial protections. The Constitution forbids such things, but Trump’s
memoranda will achieve something similar with respect to Krebs and Taylor. In
this case, the process itself is the punishment: Despite there being no hard
evidence of wrongdoing against them, the two are now formally and publicly
suspected by the executive branch of malfeasance during their stint as
government employees. Being investigated by DHS and DOJ may force them to jump
through legal hoops like subpoenas, depositions, and audits, requiring them to
hire attorneys and bear that cost. Prospective employers will keep their
distance from them, not wanting to make themselves targets of presidential
retribution by associating with a disfavored person.
Krebs and Taylor will sleep less soundly at night, not
knowing how much further Trump might go to satisfy his vendetta against them.
And there will, assuredly, be some sort of proclamation
of “guilt” at the end. The two will probably never end up in a courtroom, but
it’s unthinkable that Pam Bondi and Kristi Noem would disappoint Trump now that
he’s shown them the man and demanded that they show him the crime. To embarrass
him by absolving Krebs and Taylor of wrongdoing would be “disloyal” in the
extreme; some form of misconduct, criminal or not, will be alleged even if the
allegations need to be, ahem, trumped up.
Citizens are being smeared and punished with harassment
by the machinery of the state when there’s no reason to believe they’ve done
anything wrong except offend the president. That’s a straightforward abuse of
power in a garish authoritarian way, particularly in Krebs’ case since his
“crime” was to bravely and honestly vouch for the integrity of the 2020
election. Seems like a decent example of a high crime or misdemeanor, no?
Here’s an interesting question, meanwhile: Why these
guys?
Why not launch the Beria phase of the Trump presidency by
targeting Liz Cheney or some much higher-profile target? Krebs and Taylor are
minor characters from season one of The Trump Show. No one remembers
their subplots except hardcore “fans” like me.
“It’s because Joe Biden pardoned Cheney,” you might say.
But that can’t be it. Trump believes those pardons are
null and void, remember?
I think it’s because Krebs and Taylor are
comparatively unknown that Trump began with them. Had he begun with Cheney, his
lesser enemies would have assumed that they’re a low priority by comparison and
therefore need never worry about being persecuted. The White House will be too
busy hassling major antagonists like Mark Milley, the January 6 committee, and
the Republicans who voted to impeach and remove him after the insurrection to
get very far down its enemies list.
Starting with Krebs and Taylor is Trump’s way of
signaling that no one is too insignificant to be a target. He hasn’t forgotten
or forgiven those who’ve crossed him, including those who did so in the
increasingly distant past. If you’ve caused the president any trouble, you too
should sleep less soundly at night, even if you’ve caused him considerably less
than others have. Accusing Taylor of mishandling “sensitive information”
underlines the point, as if Trump is warning critics that the fact that he’s
guiltier of a particular sin than they are won’t save them from being punished
for it.
No one is safe. You can’t have a proper culture
of fear if no one outside the Cheney family has reason to worry about their
lives being ruined.
He ran on this, Senate Majority Leader
John Thune said on Tuesday, explaining why Congress won’t step in to take
Trump’s tariff gasoline and matches away from him. That logic will also supply
the excuse for congressional Republicans not to proceed with impeachment as the
president’s pseudo-bills of attainder grow more aggressive and outrageous.
Americans voted for a Beria presidency and, well, we all believe in honoring
the will of the people, don’t we?
Congressional Democrats will face a dilemma if they
retake the House next fall, though. To impeach or not to impeach?
There’s no such thing as an impeachable offense after
January 6, at least not one that stands a chance of attracting the 67 votes
needed in the Senate to convict. And since impeaching Trump twice in his first
term did precisely nothing to chasten him or his party, there’s a case to be
made that Democrats shouldn’t bother next time around. Besides, how could they
begin to settle on a list of high crimes or misdemeanors to accuse him of? New
ones come along as regularly as city buses do.
I think they’ll have no choice, though. Their base,
having delivered a victory in the midterms, will want to see Trump rebuked
morally for his abuses of power, and that’s all impeachment is anymore—moral
censure, with zero risk of tangible consequences from the Senate. When the day
comes and the articles are drafted, I hope Democrats remember to include what’s
happened to Chris Krebs and Miles Taylor. “Show me the man and I’ll show you
the crime” is beneath the dignity of the United States even in its embarrassing
diminished state.
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