By Rich Lowry
Friday, December 08, 2023
It’s possible that Congress can’t find a way,
despite the support of bipartisan majorities, to continue funding Ukraine in
its fight against Vladimir Putin’s Russia.
This would have to rank, not necessarily as the worst,
but perhaps the stupidest, most senseless abandonment of a U.S. ally ever.
We’ve pulled out the rug from allied countries desperately fighting to save
themselves from communist gulags and killing fields (Indochina), thrown away
hard-won military gains (Iraq), and deserted vulnerable translators and other
allies on the ground (Afghanistan), but these betrayals came after long, costly
conflicts.
Ukraine hasn’t been long or, by any reasonable standard,
particularly costly. The roughly $100 billion we’ve spent so far is a fraction
of the defense budget and, one would think, the kind of money we’re willing to
spend to check a hostile power’s revanchist designs in Europe.
To dump Ukraine now would be completely gratuitous.
Congress kneecapped our allies in Indochina — and our air
campaign to prevent complete communist victory — by cutting off all military
operations in 1973. This made for a dishonorable and disastrous end to the war,
but it had been a long time coming.
We were in Vietnam for roughly a dozen years. We suffered
more than 58,000 fatalities, and the war cost about $170 billion, or something
like $1 trillion in today’s terms. It deranged our politics and led to protests
in the streets, creating a constant sense of crisis.
There is no crisis over Ukraine funding, besides support
for it sagging somewhat. (A Reuters poll found that 46 percent of people
supported sending arms to Ukraine in May, whereas only 41 percent supported it
in October.)
President Barack Obama paved the way for the rise of ISIS
when he pulled forces out of Iraq in 2011 after we had imposed a semblance of
order at great cost in blood and treasure. But we’d been in Iraq since 2003, in
a war premised on WMDs that didn’t exist. A lightning-fast victory transformed
into a grinding war of counterinsurgency. We lost 4,400 men and women.
Not one U.S. service member has died in Ukraine.
President Joe Biden pulled out of Afghanistan in 2021, a
decision that nearly instantly handed the country over to the Taliban. We’d
been in the country for 20 years, though, without an end in sight and without
being able to set up a self-sustaining Afghan government or military.
The current iteration of the Ukraine conflict has been
going on since February 2022.
In Ukraine, we have a committed and capable ally that is
fighting hard without the direct assistance of U.S. troops. It is battling an
unambiguous enemy of the West whose leader is open about his anti-Americanism.
Russia’s military has been significantly degraded by Ukraine’s resistance. The
support we are giving Kyiv is taxing our supplies of weapons, yes, but it is
also being used to catalyze a long-overdue revitalization of the U.S.
defense-industrial base.
This doesn’t add up to a picture that demands the
immediate cessation of U.S. aid. Americans are infamously impatient; still, we
have to have more staying power than a little less than two years. It’s true
that the Ukraine counteroffensive has been a disappointment, yet the Russians
remain bottled up in the eastern part of the country, again without direct
Western involvement in combat.
The critics say that there’s no plan for victory. It’s
true that Ukraine is unlikely ever to vanquish the Russian threat once for all,
and the best that can probably be hoped for is an eventual armistice. Sometimes
geopolitics doesn’t offer neat, easy solutions. Does Israel have a plan for
total victory against Islamic extremism — not just Hamas, but Hezbollah, Iran,
and other enemies? Does South Korea have a plan to finally defeat North Korea?
That the answer is “no” doesn’t make these allies less
worthy of support. The same is true of Ukraine. To cut it off now wouldn’t be a
crime, but an incredibly self-defeating blunder.
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