By Noah Rothman
Monday, August 22, 2022
Anew dark age is descending on Florida. The so-called
“free state” has embarked on a campaign of social engineering, a component of
which involves the intellectual stultification of its students. America’s
literary history is being whitewashed; its most celebrated authors are
banished. Worse, this quasi-Stalinist crusade is catching on across red-state
America. It all heralds a bleak future in which subversive texts are consumed
only at great peril to their readers, and the accumulated wisdom of the generations
is discarded and forgotten. At least, that’s what the hysterics are saying.
At issue is Florida’s Individual Freedom Act, which
became law this year and was supposedly designed in part to limit classroom
instruction relating to the tenets of Critical Race Theory and sexual or gender
orientation. Like a growing number of Florida’s offensives in the culture wars,
the law probably goes too far. A federal judge recently imposed a preliminary injunction halting its enforcement
because, rather than preventing viewpoint discrimination in the workplace, it
perversely encouraged it, thereby infringing on Floridians’ First Amendment
rights. It was, however, this law that was said by its critics to justify
“book-banning incidents.”
More than 200 popular titles were “banned in Florida,”
according to an April 2022 Miami New Times article. School districts across
the state have all but forbidden students from accessing newer texts like Maia
Kobabe’s Gender Queer: A Memoir and Ibram X. Kendi’s How
to Be an Antiracist, as well as classic works including Toni
Morrison’s Beloved and A Brave New World by
Aldous Huxley. This alleged campaign of censorship has led Internet-based
paranoiacs to denounce the state’s mad frenzy to suppress canonical
literature. Indeed, the mainstream press has generally adopted the law’s
critics’ characterization of the initiative, alleging that teachers and systems
have been drafted into the work of “purging” classrooms of subversive literature. And
Republicans around the country are applying Florida’s template to their states.
“This is a state-sponsored purging of ideas and
identities that has no precedent in the United States of America,”
EveryLibrary’s executive director told the Washington Post. The director of the American Library
Association’s Office for Intellectual Freedom, Deborah Caldwell-Stone, told
the Post that this unexampled campaign is “in fact teaching
lessons in censorship.” Florida Gov. “Ron DeSantis isn’t going to be able to
eradicate all material that has Black people, Jewish people, gay people, trans
people,” Nathaniel Sandler, director of the Bootlegger’s Library,
said. But he is trying. “And to me,” he added, “that’s a display of power.”
While clumsily written in the pursuit of overbroad
objectives outside the remit of constitutionally constrained government,
Florida’s legislative command that the cultural tides recede isn’t the
Reichstag fire its critics imagine it to be. Nor is this campaign something
that conservative cultural revanchists imagined into existence on their own.
Rather, the state is reacting to similar maneuvers by cultural
forces aligned with the left.
In some Florida school districts, titles that cover
themes involving race, sexuality, and LGBTQ identity are not banned—they are
still accessible in libraries and online—but they have been labeled with an “advisory notice to
parents.” Call it a “trigger warning.” Teachers have been drafted into auditing books for their
identitarian content, but the “policy does not apply to textbooks or books in
schoolwide libraries.” Indeed, the discretionary nature of this campaign has
sincere advocates of literary censorship on the right up in arms. They don’t
believe the state’s efforts to cordon off books with sexual and racial thematic
elements have gone far enough.
Introducing parental oversight to what books students at
various age levels check out of scholastic libraries may strike bibliophiles as
obscene. Literary experiences, titillating or otherwise, are a discouragingly
rare occurrence among younger adults these days. There is a movement afoot
across red states to intervene in young people’s journeys of intellectual
exploration, but it only mirrors what the cultural left has busied itself with
for years.
“What to do with ‘classic’ books that are also racist and
hurtful to students?” School Library Journal’s Marva Hinton asked in 2020. The question was
occasioned by the decision from Caldwell-Stone’s organization, the American
Library Association, to drop Laura Ingalls Wilder’s name from a literary award.
Hinton cited the “dated cultural attitudes” in her Little House books.
While being careful to avoid the appearance that that anyone sought to “censor,
limit, or deter access” to Wilder’s books, the move and others like it nonetheless branded her books
offensive to modern sensibilities.
The same could be said of classics such as To
Kill a Mockingbird and Huckleberry Finn. It was said,
in fact, in Hinton’s piece when the librarians with whom she spoke confessed
that “deemphasizing” these books advances modern progressive social objectives.
“We do harm if we don’t teach that text in ways that are antiracist,” said one
Massachusetts-based Teacher Training Center director. Indeed, according to the
“intellectual freedom chair” of the Oregon Association of School Libraries,
Miranda Doyle, it is a teacher’s job to make sure “we are choosing books that
are not problematic.”
These library professionals didn’t suddenly discover the
educational imperative to discourage literary works that run counter to the
voguish political objective of the moment. They’re rushing to get to the head
of a parade already in motion. In 2018, Minnesota’s Duluth Public Schools removed both Mockingbird and Huck
Finn from the curriculum citing “questions about the book’s cultural
appropriateness” and “racist language.” A little over a year later,
California’s Burbank Unified School District followed suit, adding
John Steinbeck’s Of Mice and Men, Theodore Taylor’s The Cay,
and Mildred Taylor’s Roll of Thunder, Hear My Cry to the list
of books booted from the curriculum. The “alleged potential harm” these books
could do to the psyches of the district’s black students during the nation’s
“urgent reckoning” with systemic racism justified the extraordinary measure.
For years, the activist class has busied itself with the
mission of attacking the foundations of classic literary studies, often to the
acclaim of elite journalistic institutions. Those texts have been “instrumental
to the invention of ‘whiteness’ and its continued domination,” according to one
Princeton University professor of classic literature, who was favorably
profiled in New York Times Magazine. Organizing under the banner of
“#DisruptTexts,” crusaders for the new censorious paradigm have sought to
stigmatize Homer’s The Odyssey, William Golding’s Lord of the Flies, and even the works of
Shakespeare, substituting the Bard’s works with a variety of avant-garde
antiracism instruction manuals.
Educators have concluded that “it’s time for Shakespeare
to be set aside or deemphasized to make room for modern, diverse, and inclusive
voices,” School Library Journal’s Amanda MacGregor said. To the extent Shakespeare’s
works remain valuable, according to Twin Cities Academy English Teacher
Elizabeth Neilson, it is insofar as they help “to teach Marxist theory.”
Dispassionate observers of these cultural trends might
conclude that they are two sides of the same coin. The narcissism of small
differences explains the loudest denunciations of red America’s attempt to
impose a parental check on young people’s literary curiosity. If the left’s
revulsion was genuine, we might expect to have seen some of it aimed at the
many librarians who believed it was not only their role but their duty to
determine that students who read classic books cannot also serve as effective
anti-racist activists. The sudden discovery of this censorious disposition, and
only when evinced by one’s political adversaries, suggests their real problem
is that the wrong people are doing the censoring.
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