By Philip Klein
Thursday, August 18, 2022
Representative Liz Cheney’s crushing defeat in
her congressional primary served as another brutal reminder of what happens to
Republicans who become defined by their opposition to Donald Trump. But it also
has a tangible effect. Wyoming’s lone House seat will be held by somebody much
more loyal to Trump — not only compared with who Cheney is now, but compared
with who Cheney was at any point in the Trump presidency.
A similar story has been playing out nationally in
Republican primaries, which have featured a string of victories for
Trump-endorsed candidates while sending a message to other GOP politicians that
if they want to succeed in the party, they have to stay clear of Trump’s
crosshairs.
Taken together, what this likely means is that when the
dust settles on the 2022 election, the Republican congressional class is going
to be a lot more in tune with Trump and his agenda than even the one that was
in power when he was president.
There were a number of prominent Republicans who opposed
Trump at some point in 2016, and as late as October — just weeks before the
election — dozens of Republicans called on Trump to drop out of
the presidential race in the wake of the Access Hollywood tape.
Many more condemned what they heard on the audio while stopping short of
publicly calling on him to step aside.
Throughout the early part of his presidency, a number of
Republicans tested the waters when it came to criticizing Trump, only to soon
learn that doing so was a career ender. When he entered office, there were
Republican senators such as John McCain and Jeff Flake who were openly critical
of Trump. If Republicans are able to win back one of those Arizona seats this
year, it would be held by Blake Masters, who won his primary by embracing
Trump. Retaining Senate seats in Ohio and Pennsylvania would mean replacing
Senators Rob Portman and Pat Toomey with Trump loyalists J. D. Vance and Dr.
Oz.
When Trump took office, the “MAGA movement” more or less
started and stopped with him. Most Republicans in Congress came to understand
that it was important for them to at least have a transactional relationship
with Trump, and to try and avoid locking horns with him. But most Republicans
were holdovers from previous sessions of Congress who had more conventional
Republican views and did not have any inherent connection to the issues that he
ran on.
Since then, the eclectic platform that Trump stood for
has expanded into a broader critique of the pre-Trump Republican Party on
issues including trade, immigration, foreign policy, and corporate America. So,
the crop of candidates representing Republicans this year are not only more
loyal to Trump the person, but also more aligned with his ideas (to the extent
that he has any sort of ideology).
Ronald Reagan, for decades after leaving office, was
somebody whom Republican candidates typically wanted to be identified with
ideologically — especially on economics and foreign policy. During his
presidential campaigns, Mitt Romney took heat in Republican primaries for an
old clip of him running for senator in Massachusetts and declaring himself an
“independent” during the Reagan years. But Reagan won two landslide elections
by expanding the GOP coalition, so it was natural that successive generations
of Republicans wanted to emulate him.
It is worth taking a moment to think about how
extraordinary it is for a political party to become more beholden to a former
president after he loses. Nobody was running as a proud supporter of Jimmy
Carter in the 1982 midterms or as a George H. W. Bush Republican in 1994. A
Republican seeking office in 1934 would not cower in fear of Herbert Hoover’s
wrath were they to criticize his handling of the early stages of the Great
Depression. And yet, despite losing to President Biden, Trump has maintained
dominance over the party.
This is no accident. In fact, this really gets to the
heart of Trump’s behavior since his 2020 defeat. Trump intuitively understands
that defeated presidential candidates lose their grip on their party and,
pretty soon, lose all relevance. This is why it is so important to Trump to
keep denying his 2020 defeat, and why he feels he has to scare away other
Republicans from challenging his stolen-election claims.
By successfully policing compliance, Trump has actually
emerged from defeat with a Republican Party that more closely resembles him
than it did when he left the White House.
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